El Teatro Político
On the political captivity and Brave New World of the Petty Kingdom of the American South West
For those who follow me on twitter you will have noticed that as I have been doing more and more research into my own family history and explored the history of the New Mexico territory I have been continuously vocal about the things that I have found and experiences I have had over my life. During my research I recently found this drawing in an NPR propaganda piece about the evils of the Hispano people and thought it quite well demonstrated many of the issues I have had with historical revisionism and the demonization of the Hispano people as well as subversion of those who live in the Southwest.
I want to preface my writing by informing you that it is not my intent to support any political parties with bias and that I request your charity in the honest interpretation of my words because this is a political article. The current political climate is full of strife and actually caused me to push out what should’ve been a series of articles into this, one singular article.
The first subject necessary to understanding the political context of Hispanos in contemporary society is the Marxist infiltration and subversion of all varieties of Hispanic culture. I found this particular drawing to be a perfect example of the sorts of propaganda that I was bombarded with growing up. There are two main forms of this identitarian propaganda that are commonly employed against the peoples of the Southwest, the first being an attempt at divorcing the relationships the Hispanos have with the Puebloans, Genizaros and Indios; the second tactic being the opposite, a deliberate conflation and amalgamation of the Hispanos and Puebloans, Genizaros and Indios. To make the terms I am using clear, Hispanos are those of Iberian decent who came to the land called New Mexico from the 16th to 18th centuries. Puebloans are those indigenous tribes that lived in villages—called Pueblos in Spanish—opposed to the usually nomadic lifestyle of the other tribes, usually plains tribes, which I will sometimes colloquially call Indios, though the term can also be used to refer to all Indigenous tribes, in which sense I sometimes use it too. I know that the term Indio can sometimes be taken to be offensive but I am not intending it in such a manner; to have this discussion basic distinctions must be made and historically the indigenous peoples of the area were referred to as such. Genizaros are the socially atomized indigenous peoples of various tribes. All of these people are New Mexican and comprise New Mexico.
In the drawing you can see the first tactic that I mentioned; Subversion by creating a false dichotomy in opposition to each other. The art depicts the Pueblo and Hispano people as opposing forces that are in conflict with each other, and a greater Hispano conspiracy to suppress and oppress all Puebloans. This particular method is not historically accurate given that the venture of New Mexico is a cooperative Hispano-Pueblo effort and the tactic is deliberately employed to prevent people unfamiliar with the history from perceiving it as such which makes it easier to develop a foil that you can use for propaganda purposes. In this case the foil is the Hispano people, this people group are playing the foil for the pre-existing Marxist-indigenous narratives of oppression, colonization and land rights. The methodology we’ve seen here is also a form of dialectic which I will analyze further in the article. This method is an easy way to reinforce and draw on pre-existing propaganda and ideological narratives and introduce them into a context that they are foreign to. Which in turn, leaves the indigenous person feeling invigorated to seek justice for wrongs that are alleged to have occured though have little to no historic basis. I am not afraid to admit The Hispano-Pueblo relationship has never been perfect but it has been the totality of our history has been far from outright oppressive and hostile. Throughout most of history, the Hispano relationships with the Pueblos has been peaceful. Apart from the initial invasion of the Coronado expedition and a few uprisings, there has been mutual cooperation between the two people groups for centuries. The Pueblos have time and again united with the Hispanos to fight the Plains Indians and major dominant Pueblos that were known to bully and enslave the others while making oaths with each other to honor one another and organize an agreeable society.
Due to the historic narratives being watered down or in some places outright replaced many Hispano children growing up in their homeland of the American Southwest are told that they are some variation of Indios and not Hispanos. This identity crisis is a biproduct of the second method of subversion that I mentioned above. In order to fit the paradigm of conflation; this manufactured identity causes a variety of social and personality issues amongst the people. There are many forms and variations of cognitive dissonance that exist in the consciousness of the Hispano people due to the attempted forced associations with identities that aren’t theirs such as Chicano or Mexican identity. As a result this cognitive dissonance causes social disconnectedness, rebellion and personality disorders to basic lack of comprehension of the world the live in. What's most egregious about the conflation of identities is the fact that school books are being rewritten to emphasize whichever narrative is to the brainwasher’s taste but as I hope to prove, this narrative is deliberate and serves a particular political agenda.
The true historic narrative of two separate people groups finding a means of coexistence in a place where they fought nearly some 300 years of war against outside tribes and influences is unacceptable to the modern Marxist propagandist because it does not present a history which can be used to introduce counter-cultural values and upturn the society seeing as the society was mutually cooperative though imperfect. Instead the intelligentsia and actual bourgeoise-bureaucrat of the left has determined to draw upon the imperfections of the past and adapt the Black Legend of the very anglo-supremacists they claim to be against in order to sew division in New Mexican society.
This method of historical revisionism and identity erasure is a key component to Marxist projects. Before I can introduce to you the totality of the devilish and monstrous lies being perpetuated here and their purpose I must tell you what this tactic is according to Marxists. This brainwashing and propaganda technique is a product of Dialectical Materialism. According to Marxist theory all people and society itself are held captive to materialistic constraints which in opposition to one another seek resolution of their contradictions. The Marxist believes that such a resolution can only be brought about by an evolution of the human peoples and their mindsets through education on the causes of the contradictions between thesis and anti-thesis and the obliteration of such causes (in this case genuine Hispano and Puebloan identity) in order to seek the “truer” form of whichever thesis is oppressed.
“Proletariat and wealth are opposites; as such they form a single whole. They are both the creations of the world of private property. The question is exactly what place each occupies in the antithesis. It is not sufficient to declare them two sides of a single whole…
The proletariat, on the contrary, is compelled as proletariat to abolish itself and thereby its opposite, private property, which determines its existence, and which makes it proletariat. It is the negative side of the antithesis, its restlessness within its very self, dissolved and self-dissolving private property.”-Marx & Engels, The Holy Family
“All successive historical systems are only transitory stages in the endless course of development of human society from the lower to the higher.” -Engels, Feuerbach & End of Classical German Philosophy
Interpreted through the Marxist lens New Mexican society is a contradiction formed by Hispano-Puebloan relations and must be destroyed and re-ordered through post-colonialism in order to bring humanity to the higher evolution of the people. The idea that Puebloans could themselves decide to ally with Hispanos or that Hispanos could respect Puebloans or that mutual cooperation, respect and love is even possible are assumed to be rejected in this systematic. According to the leftist worldview, by virtue of technological advancement alone the colonizing peoples could have in no way have decided to integrate, care for, admonish and yet also respect such people. Such an idea is all the more ironic and despicable when Marxists pay lip service and offer false respect and homage to the traditions of which ever groups they are inciting and enflaming, in this case; Pre-Spanish indigenous persons. The Marxist understanding of the world is one which must remove all personal, cultural and spiritual autonomy from the analysis of the subjects, believing that such is merely a derivative of materialistic causes. This is in and of itself a form of erasure but when added to the dialectical praxis exacerbates further methods of erasure and outright tramples the genuine attitudes and identities of the people it seeks to subvert through its methodology. Making it self contradictory in that by pretending to be anti-colonial it is by far more colonial and patronizing than any other system or worldview because it has assumed its own perspective to be that supreme law by which all other peoples, cultures, societies, markets and what have you, must be interpreted and that this is the supreme moral and humanitarian good.
When practiced as a form of propaganda Dialectical Materialism has an incredible brainwashing effect. Due to the nature of the dialectic, the persons effected will lose all connection to the historical and actual realities of their cultures, instead having said culture be replaced by the analytical version that’s being used for propaganda purposes, thus obliterating the original causes and turning the perception of them into the very empty materialism that Marxism aims to destroy. During this part of the process the persons belonging to the effected cultures that are believed to be the contradictions(fulfilling the roles of Thesis and anti-Thesis) are intended to look inwards towards the analytical version of their history rather than the actual; this in turn is supposed to cause the persons to identify more deeply with certain traditional internalized structures which requires completely deconstruct them, the particular desired outcome and interpretations happens according to the guiding principles of Marxist analysis. It is key to remember here that the Marxist is not actually analyzing the real genuine articles of peoples and cultures as they are, nor are they analyzing anything metaphysical nor is the analysis objective. Here there can be no soul to the persons or their culture, these are merely empty sociological and ideological propositions according to the material dialectic. Meaning, that the internalized subjective identity of the person is divorced from all actual realities of their situation, instead they are told to analyze the totality of themselves and their situation as a massive construct that impinges itself upon them. This causes a simultaneous embrace of a faux-culture regardless of what the real culture and history is and also necessitates a total rejection of all previous notions of the self because now the culture and history are merely a painted on disguise for the analytical worldview of the subjective Marxist. This immediately kills whatever genuine cultures existed in such persons because now the cultures are empty subjects even when lived or experienced because genuine expressions of intrinsic meaning and extrinsic context have been ripped from them. From here the two positions of the contradiction in the dialectic are then set to oppose each other to seek the economic and social resolution that the Marxist desires, thus inducing a sort of enlightenment out of this defacing cognitive dissonance, which is often termed as the creation of the “New Man”.
Marxists believe this whole process “awakens the conscious” but the process really does not awaken anything, it is the desecrations and destruction of that which previously existed by deliberately destroying the genuine article of the persons and cultures by the impositions of materialist Marxist presuppositions over cultures and environments in which they have no context and are illegitimate. Marx’s worldview is one that is inherently destructive as it seeks to strip the actualities of things from themselves in order to construct a new economic order that is morally presupposed and disguises materialism as humanism.
“We call communism the real movement which abolishes the present state of things.”
-Marx, The German Ideology
“The two basic conceptions of development (evolution) are: development as decrease and increase, as repetition, and development as a unity of opposites (the division of a unity into mutually exclusive opposites and their reciprocal relation). In the first conception of motion, self-movement, its driving force, its source, its motive remains in the shade (or this source is made external – God, subject, etc.). In the second conception the chief attention is directed precisely to knowledge of the source of ‘self’-movement.
“The first conception is lifeless, pale and dry. The second is living.”
-Lenin, Philosophical Notebooks, “On the Question of Dialectics”,
“The human essence is no abstraction inherent in each single individual. In its reality it is the ensemble of the social relations.”
-Marx, theses on Feuerbach
The Idea being presented here is that a new “soul”, a new people, a new humanity will come about by seeking a material resolution to contradictions. However, such contradictions are assumed and often manufactured or inserted into systems in order to cause their existence.
I do not think that Marxists believe that the material dialectic as practiced above is a brainwashing method proper but as soon as a Marxist school of thought is cognized by an individual and especially when understood and practiced then the material productions of that person begin to include this conceptualization especially when a new school of thought is institutionalized which I will prove later. However, when this material and propaganda is put out for consumption, incentivized and proselytized to the world, what occurs is that persons who interact with it also must take on its assumptions about the world and as a requirement of doing so must necessarily begin—even subconsciously— to see their own culture as a materialistic void which must be reduced even through faux-tradition to build the next thing. This is a form of psuedomorphosis that can have both left wing and right wing impulses which I will cover much later towards the end of this paper. As a brainwashing tool this tactic is incredibly effective because it disconnects people from the realities of all their surroundings and themselves, their own identities on top of objective history. This identity confusion deliberately causes an angst and anger in the subject of analysis and the confused person because to the individual it seems as though their self has been completely taken away by external material and ideological factors that are completely out of their control. Such a belief is completely untrue and is an irrational survival response. The lie is in that the true self still exists, the “enlightened” individual has merely found a way to trick their brain into making it seem devoid of what it is. When used as propaganda these tactics become an incredible way to cut off people’s genuine external and internal connections to get them to join your movement seeing as now you’ve got an angry person who’s identity contains no real substance(seeing as substance is only considered external sociological and material factors) which is out of their own control, and on top of that is totally subjective, this sort of individual serves as a perfect automaton for the cause, all that is required is further instruction in what the cause is and how to serve it. Both of which are provided in the assumed materialism-pretending-to-be-humanism of Marxist ideology.
“The aim of resolving contradictions among the people is to bring about greater unity and the consolidation of the socialist cause.”
-Mao, On the Correct Handling of Contradictions Among the People
“Decolonization never takes place unnoticed, for it influences individuals and modifies them fundamentally. It transforms spectators crushed with their inessentiality into privileged actors, with the grandiose glare of history's floodlights upon them. It brings a natural rhythm into existence, introduced by new men, and with it a new language and a new humanity. Decolonization is the veritable creation of new men. But this creation owes nothing of its legitimacy to any supernatural power; the 'thing' which has been colonised becomes man during the same process by which it frees itself.
In decolonization, there is therefore the need of a complete calling in question of the colonial situation...The naked truth of decolonization evokes for us the searing bullets and bloodstained knives which emanate from it. ...You do not turn any society, however primitive it may be, upside-down with such a programme if you are not decided from the very beginning, that is to say from the actual formulation of that programme, to overcome all the obstacles that you will come across in so doing. The native who decides to put the programme into practice, and to become its moving force, is ready for violence at all times”
— Fanon, The Wretched of the Earth
The Marxist conceptualization of the “New Man” is key to understanding identity politics in the South West and the created identity of Chicanismo that has overwritten the Mexican-American Consciousness and is most evident in its existence within the Chicano movement. Before I can get to Chicanismo as developed during the Chicano Youth Liberation Conferences we must first talk about the history of the Mexican-American Identity. Though I am not Mexican I am familiar with how this identity has attempted to subsume and replace the native identity of the various peoples of the Southwest. Many Mexicans may find such a statement incomprehensible seeing as they do not believe we are significantly different than them but such an understanding is core to the conflict between the native regional identities and Mexican-American identities. New Mexico and the American Southwest were certainly a part of Mexico at one time but it must be understood that the nation of Mexico only had control over the South West for a period of some 27 years. In fact, the term Mexican-American was not popularized until the 1940s when Mexican-American veterans returned from World War II. In Hispanic society there is actually a great conflict between southern irredentists who claim that the northern territories are subservient to southern identities or nationalities. A common issue is that of the Mexican irredentists and imperialists who perceive Hispanos, Tejanos and Californios as imperial extensions of Mexican nation and peoples (sometimes anchored in Aztec imperial identity or mythicized colonial history). These identity conflicts between Mexican-Americans(Norteños), Californios, Hispanos, Tejanos and “Mexican-Americans”, Chicanos, Mexicans; and whoever else sides with the irredentists; occurs particularly because of insecurities amongst the irredentist faction which has a self identity that cannot permit the existence of other Spanish peoples of a different ethnic descent who were self-determining because such peoples oppose their national myth. Many Mexican irredentists who try to make the claim that Hispanos and Puebloans are Mexicans forget that for most of the history of New Mexico the nearest governmental hub was 60 days away by wagon and that governmental interaction were rare not only during the time of New Spain but also under Mexico’s rule. Caravans that went the full way to Mexico City only came every 3-5 years. Effectively, New Mexico and the Southwest was cut off from the outside world; that is what makes Aridoamerican culture develop as something particularly unique. Further, Mexicans who would like to over extend their identities completely ignore the ethnic history of the region, the majority of settlers in the Southwest may have been first generation Criollos but being a first generation Criollo in 1550 does not make one in any way culturally or genetically similar to a contemporary Mexican. If that was the standard then virtually all Hispanic people with Criollo and Castizo descent would also have to claim the Peoples of Peru and Argentina and various other Southern Countries which were Mexican seeing as many of their founders were also first generation criollos and under Mexican central governance/authority. Such Southern irredentists also ignore the fact that New Mexico and the peoples of the region has had virtually no participation in any major event of significance to Mexican culture ever since Mexico declared its independence. Mexican irredentists have a particular obsession with the “anglo-oppressor” and attempt to convince Aridoamericans that we are oppressed by anglos and must reintegrate to Mexico, this too is an extension and projection of internal insecurities that came out of the Mexican-American war which the Southwest largely did not participate in and in regards to New Mexico specifically, we did not feel the same way as the Mexican populace and viewed both resistance to America and embracing America as paths to self-determination. The feeling of inadequacy in the face of anglicization is not natural to the regional identities but is an extension of other nations and identities attempting to control the region.
Ultimately, the greatest proof of Mexicans and New Mexicans(as well as the other identities) being different is the fact that when Mexican nationalists and irredentists are pushed on these points they immediately turn to violence and insults. Many many times in my life I have received death threats from these sorts of ideologues and identitarians for simply pointing out that we have different cultures and are different people groups. I can’t even name or mention them all and I receive about a half dozen threats a week simply for pointing to historical realities such as political and personal conflicts. To those familiar with the culture of New Mexico and the rituals and lifestyles lived out by those in New Mexico, from the unique dialect, the culinary differences, to the architectural and artistic differences so on and so forth, the idea that we are a different diaspora seems obvious, yet to the Mexican Nationalist it is a direct confrontation of everything they predicate their national myth and identity on hence, they lash out in insecurity. Here are just a few examples from the last couple of days.
These particular men serve as excellent examples to the exact way that New Mexicans are treated by Mexicans when we try to assert our cultural distinctions. Derogatorily called race traitors and alleged to be "White Revisionists” they simultaneously claim that we are truly Mexican brothers while also saying that we not truly Hispanic, their own cognitive dissonance and self contradictions causing them to lash out against anyone who tries to resist their prideful, self-indulgent, subjectivist politics. The Mexican Nationalist sees the American Southwest as the conflict point of White vs Non-White and Spanish/Indigenous vs Anglo. Ironically, they accuse Anglos of being the people group that perpetuates this distinction while themselves being the group that proposes that theory more than anyone else. Anglicization and cooperation was a genuine phenomenon in the region so the northern understanding of Anglos is not that of oppressor but rather that of rugged settler capitalists that can be learned from and worked with. In fact within 13 years of New Mexico being American territory the US Civil War would start with Texas siding with the Confederacy and New Mexico and Colorado’s soldiers joining the Union.
That’s not to say Anglos have not had tensions with other races but rather that at this point in history the only people who continuously assert a myth of conflict in the region is the Mexican irredentist because it is necessary to serve their political ends. At their most ridiculous I have even seen them try to justify their narratives by stating that it was really the Mexica and Tlaxcala who settled New Mexico. The New Mexican worldview on the other hand acknowledges points of conflict but rather sees the region as a place where a future can be decided in spite of strife. This goes back to the very first rebellion that Oñate encountered where after a court had judged the Acoma who rebelled to have a foot cut off and serve as slaves, they were then, according to the historical record, forgiven and let go. This same mentality occured with Anglicization. When the United States Civil War broke out New Mexicans signed up to serve with the Union Army in good will and with no hesitation almost immediately after becoming an American territory in spite of the various rebellions, and conflicts between the two people. It seems every culture around us is hell bent on destruction and conquest while the New Mexican culture seeks survival not through conflict but through resolution. To an outsider it might be odd hearing such a statement said about a place where so much blood has been shed, but here the blood has been shed that it may cease being shed. Fitting, for the land of the Sangre De Cristo mountains.
Now that the basic understandings of what the Mexican irredentism is laid down we enter into the history of the Mexican-American identity. Some might say that Mexican-American as an identity begins at shortly after the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, following the Mexican-American war; they are correct in that the first use of the term does come from frontiersmen and anthropologists who temporarily used it to distinguish the people’s of the former Mexican territory. However, after about a decade and a half the term fell into disuse as pre-existing terms were adopted for official use. Indigenous Tribes were referred to as Indians and Hispanos as Hispanos/Hispanic and the region variably referred to as the Kansas/New Mexico territory; this is how we ended up with the racial and ethnic categories that we see on government paperwork today. The chart below tracks the use of the terms Hispano, New Mexican and Mexican American since the 1700s.
There are a couple important elements in the above graph. The two booms in the usage of the term “Mexican-American” prior to the 1960s occur in the late 40s and early 50s and earlier in the 1910s. The boom of the 1940s and 1950s is due to primarily one factor which I have mentioned already; The return of the Veterans from World War II. Many 1st and 2nd generation immigrants fought for the US military or came to the US as laborers during World War II; meaning, that when the war ended, they were then able to settle around ethnically similar people and create communities with other veterans and newer immigrants. It is during this time period that what I would call the genuine Mexican-American identity is born because this wave of immigrants and second generation children had a distinctive stake in America and culture and unlike the immigration wave of the 1910s the majority did not go back to Mexico. For many of the older generation in Mexican-American communities, this older 1940s version of Mexican-Americanism still exists and there are sparse places such as the GI Forum where it is maintained without the later perversions of Chicanismo that stem from the 60s. The most noticeable increase in use of the term Mexican-American is occurs in the mid to late 60s. The reason for the heightened use of the term “Mexican American” is due to the development of the Mexican-Marxist ideology that is Chicanismo, which when establishing its movement during the 60s heavily referred to the Mexican American identity as a self-justifying origin for the Chicano identity; essentially subverting and reorienting the genuine heart of Mexican-American identity which came before it. However, I have still yet to address where the term truly originates from from during the 1910s.
On October 5th, 1910 while in the process of being smuggled into the United States, Francisco Madero announced a plan for what would become the Mexican Revolution. Francisco Madero was not a radical, he wanted moderate land reforms and a Liberal government, but his opposition, Porfirio Díaz; the 35-year-long dictator of Mexico, had, as usual, rigged the election. This time was different though, Porfirio Díaz has promised that this would be the last year of his reign and that Mexico would now be open to Democracy. Of course, this was a lie intended to save face before American interests. Upon reaching San Antonio, Texas, Madero began to disseminate his plan, calling it el Plan de San Luis Potosí. The naming convention “Plan of …” is a convention derived from el Plan de Iturbide/Iguala sometimes known as the Plan of the Three Guarantees. The Plan of Iguala was the declaration of revolution that began Mexico’s independence from Spain. The Plan de Iguala is not particularly politically related to the Plan of San Luis Potosí nor is San Luis Potosí politically related to those plans that come after. What’s of importance for us to pay attention to here is the naming convention, the naming convention gives us the political genealogy of that which will eventually turn into the Chicano movement.
Returning to San Antonio, we begin to see the new construction of the Mexican-American identity by lobbyists. During Madero’s exile to the United States a political network of revolutionary nationalists was set up for not only refugees of the war but as a political power base. American Lobbyists used the Mexican-American identity as a means to gain the necessary political influence for the revolutionaries in the United States. It should be noted that Madero’s faction wasn’t the only one that set up networks on both sides of the American border, both Pancho Villa, Emiliano Zapata and Pascual Orozco and just about everyone else who was not connected to the Federal Government had some sort of power base in the United States that they could operate out of in times of turbulence and exile. Come late November of 1911, Emilio Zapata and his army—which would later be recognized as an early socialist agrarian movement—rejected the Madero presidency and rose in rebellion due to the failure to provide the agreed upon land reforms. The rebellion was also due to Madero’s attempted disarmament of the Zapatistas. In the Plan de Ayala Zapata wrote, “incapable of governing, because he has no respect for the law and justice of the pueblos(peoples), and a traitor to the fatherland, because he is humiliating in blood and fire, Mexicans who want liberties, so as to please the científicos, landlords, and bosses who enslave us, and from today on we begin to continue the revolution begun by him, until we achieve the overthrow of the dictatorial powers which exist.” Zapata goes on in points 6-9 of the Plan de Ayala explicitly lay out how the Zapatistas wanted to achieve this ideal socialist version of the Revolution:
“ 6. As an additional part of the plan, we invoke, we give notice: that [regarding] the fields, timber, and water which the landlords, científicos, or bosses have usurped, the pueblos or citizens who have the titles corresponding to those properties will immediately enter into possession of that real estate of which they have been despoiled by the bad faith of our oppressors, maintain at any cost with arms in hand the mentioned possession; and the usurpers who consider themselves with a right to them [those properties] will deduce it before the special tribunals which will be established on the triumph of the revolution.
7. In virtue of the fact that the immense majority of Mexican pueblos and citizens are owners of no more than the land they walk on, suffering the horrors of poverty without being able to improve their social condition in any way or to dedicate themselves to Industry or Agriculture, because lands, timber, and water are monopolized in a few hands, for this cause there will be expropriated the third part of those monopolies from the powerful proprietors of them, with prior indemnization, in order that the pueblos and citizens of Mexico may obtain ejidos, colonies, and foundations for pueblos, or fields for sowing or laboring, and the Mexicans' lack of prosperity and well-being may improve in all and for all.
8. [Regarding] The landlords, científicos, or bosses who oppose the present plan directly or indirectly, their goods will be nationalized and the two-third parts which [otherwise would] belong to them will go for indemnizations of war, pensions for widows and orphans of the victims who succumb in the struggle for the present plan.
9. In order to execute the procedures regarding the properties aforementioned, the laws of disamortization and nationalization will be applied as they fit, for serving us as norm and example can be those laws put in force by the immortal Juáez on ecclesiastical properties, which punished the despots and conservatives who in every time have tried to impose on us the ignominious yoke of oppression and backwardness.”
Here the plans and principles for land appropriation would be laid out that would help inspire all future Mexican and Chicano Marxist movements. Today, the Zapatistas have morphed into the EZLN (Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional, Zapatista Army of National Liberation) a Socialist terrorist group that runs a breakaway region of Southern Mexico and is associated with the pioneering of Liberation Theology. Though as we will soon learn Zapata is not the real originator of this ideology.
Inside a prison cell and a year later, Pancho Villa would learn of the Plan de Ayala and come to adopt it’s political policies after being tutored by a Zapatista named Gildardo Magaña while imprisoned in Mexico City. It’s unclear just how much the Socialist ideas of Zapata effected or truly changed Villa, neither were really philosophers or politically inspired but the two allied together in 1914 during the Pact of Xochimilco to attempt to unite the disparate factions around land reforms becoming what would be known as the Agrarian Faction.
While unable to fully enact their land reforms and nationalizations across the whole country of Mexico their ideas were influential to a great many people and in contemporary times many view them as national heroes. They serve as a major cornerstone to the national and popular myth that would come to develop not just in Mexico but across all revolutionary movements in the region.
This brings us to the next series of events in this tragedy, the expansion of these ideas outside of Mexico. As I have already mentioned, during the Mexican Revolution many Mexicans fled into Texas and the South West and various revolutionaries used the region as a base at various times, but to explain what would happen on the frontier and where the Zapatistas themselves got these ideas from we must go just a little bit further back in history. In 1901 as a prelude to the Mexican Revolution the First Mexican Liberal Party Convention was held. At the institution of the Mexican Liberal Party(Partido Liberal Mexicano or PLM) the party adapted quite a few major platforms, those being: Anticlericism, free speech, autodefensas(communal police), communal legal systems, local self governance, propagandization of the lower class, and state backed newspapers. With the help of the International Workers of the World(IWW), having founded the magazine Regeneración with his brothers the year prior, Ricardo Flores Magón, a well educated anarcho-communist, was present at the convention. Upon hearing the resolutions Ricardo Magón’s next article presented the party as the approved party for the Magonista movement, an anarcho-syndicalist faction with ties to many influential Anarchists. The Mexican Liberal Party proper was comprised of multiple factions of anarchists, anarcho-communists and radical liberals all taking a stand against Porfirio Díaz. Ricardo Flores Magón quickly rose to the presidency of the party for being the most outspoken, radical and passionate of the members in the party. This is no doubt also due to the assistance of his brothers and excellent political maneuvering.
Regardless of how clever Ricardo Magón’s maneuvering was, the Díaz regime was able to force him into exile in 1904 after banning the dissemination of his writings. Landing in San Antonio and Laredo, Texas, the Magón brothers would immediately go about setting up the network that would go on to be instrumental in el Plan de San Diego, under the authority of Camilo Arriaga. In 1905 regional law enforcement in Texas cooperating with Mexican investigators would catch on to the locations of the party leaders, forcing Magón and the others to head north to Saint Louis, Missouri. Upon arriving in Saint Louis, Magón would establish la Junta Organizadora del Partido Liberal Mexicano(The Organizing Committee of the Mexican Liberal Party) which I will refer to as la Junta. La Junta was established explicitly to wage war on Mexico from within the United States. This leads us to the first actions of the Magónista rebellion in 1906. On September 16th, 1906, 44 terrorist cells were activated to attack border crossings in Coahuila and secure their related towns. US police were able to cut off most groups en route to their targets and later in September, Mexican Federales(federal police) reinforced the town of Jiménez and were able to turn back the assault on it and return it to Government hands. In 1907 Ricardo Magón, Librado Rivera and Antonio Villarreal, of la Junta were arrested for violating American neutrality laws after dispatching a brigade from Arizona to the Cananea copper mines in an attempt to eliminate all Americans who were employed in the mines. The PLM brigade was captured by the Arizona Rangers after a long chase and skirmishing. In 1908 a group of PLM and the remaining Magón brothers were arrested by the Los Angeles Police Department for preparing to lead yet another raid into Mexico. This time it became obvious how well connected the movement had become because most of the local unions stood up for the PLM, paid for lawyers and protested, eventually after a trial the brothers were found not guilty. By 1910 the totality of the Junta was free, just in time to pull strings amongst the Agrarian Revolutionaries mentioned earlier. In fact, in 1910, at the start of the Revolution and upon receiving the most recent copy of Regeneración, Zapata made “Tierra y Libertad” his slogan as well.
Amongst la Junta there were various connections to other socialist movements and philosophers listing them in no particular order starting with IWW; there was an intense collaboration between the two groups, the PLM often recruited out of the IWW and both Bill Haywood, Vincent St. John and Mary G. Harris Jones aka “Mother Jones” supported the movement extensively; Mother Earth magazine produced by Russian anarchist in exile Emma Goldman collaborated with Regeneración and the PLM; Golos Truda(Голос Труда) another Russian Anarcho-Syndicalist paper communicated particularly through Grigori Maximov, a member of the paper who focused on Latin American issues; Federación Anarquista Ibérica(FAI) and various Spanish Anarchists maintained support and contact; Il Libertario and the Italian anarchist movement did the same especially because Errico Malatesta was influential on the Mexican movement; Federación Obrera Regional Argentina a Anarcho-Syndicalist Argentinian movement supported the PLM; as did Confederação Operária Brasileira another Anarcho-Syndicalist movement this time from Brazil, the PLM also received support from Fraye Arbeter Shtime a Russian-Jewish anarchist journal. Amongst individuals that we have correspondences with we know that members of la Junta organized with were Lucía Norman, Elizabeth Trowbridge, Voltairine de Cleyre, William Charles Owen, and most notably Pyotr Kropotkin and Alexander Berkman; who provided the movement with strong financial support. In many ways, the PLM functioned as the Latin American heir to the anarchist international faction that was expelled from the Communist Second International in 1896.
Returning to 1910 and the release of other half of La Junta from jail, the organizing board which had since moved to Los Angeles, began to prepare plans to invade Baja California. In LA the PLM recruited local laborers, Mexican refugees and American citizens to invade Mexico promising them pay from 100-600 USD in gold or alternatively 160 acres of land. Starting January 29th, 1911 the PLM began its assault on Baja Mexico. Having captured a city, armory, jail and barracks the mixed group of IWW recruits, Socialists, Anarchists, Americans and Mexicans had swelled to 500 men of which roughly 1/5th were Americans including the infamous Frank Little and Joe Hill. Eventually, by April, and after a half dozen battles the PLM soldiers were forced to retreat. It is important that the support of the LA unions is recognized because without them this invasion would’ve been a disaster and not been able to gain the necessary manpower or financial and political backing necessary to have been launched and more than that, this series of events likely inspired a series of anti-unionist laws and riots in the US that would culminate in the San Diego free speech fight, a series of riots, murders and terrorist attacks that culminated in the total destruction of the Stingaree and Chinatown neighborhoods of San Diego. In 1913 another invasion attempt was organized and launched through Texas, though this time the Texas Rangers caught the militia on the way to the border and killed or arrested the PLM members. Also in 1913 the IWW helped coordinate strikes with the the assistance of the above network including the PLM across the Southwest. This action culminated in the Ludlow massacre where Colorado National Guard and Rockefeller company guards opened fire on the mixed race worker population. Hispano, Italian, Greek and Anglo all died alike. The majority of the victims were children; Cloriva Pedregone (4 mo.), Rodgerlo Pedregone (6), Elvira Valdez (3 mo.), Eulala Valdes (8), Mary Valdez (7), Rudolph Valdez (9), Frank Petrucci (6 mo.), Lucy Petrucci (2.5), Joseph Petrucci (4), “Frank” William Snyder (11), Lucy Costa (4), Onfrio Costa (6) and 7 others.
In bringing up the Ludlow massacre I must clear the air on a few things lest the narrative remains in the hands of untruthful political men. There were Hispanos on both sides of the strike, as their names show up in the unit that was dispatched to Ludlow and in the Court-Martial list as well as amongst the strikers. The Valdez and Costa families which lost their children; contrary to Chicano propaganda are New Mexican Hispanos, not Mexicans(In Chicano propaganda, the family history of the families at Ludlow is either outright lied about or deliberately obfuscated). I personally and politically have no problem with the strike, it was totally justified. I strongly disagree with the economic policies and lack of regulations that brought the people to that point. However, what I do disagree with even more and think is an atrocity in its own right, is foreign imported ideologues from Russia and Mexico cooperating to astro-turf union movements into separatist armed revolts, where union men are turned into gullible and uneducated foot soldiers for anarcho-socialist revolution. People from other regions and other cultures coming to another place and telling the people there to die for foreign movements so the agitator can feel good about themselves even though they know the change the promise wont come, is the height of reprehensible quasi-murder. A good recent example of this hubris is the march to break the siege of Palestine, and the way nativist Egyptians are not tolerating this faux-empathy from foreigners. It is one thing when peoples ally to achieve a common goal, it is another when the alliance is only one sided and subversive. This is the key difference between a brother and an enemy.
1913 was also important for the rest of the Mexican Revolution; in 1911 Madero had ascended to the presidency though, due to a failure to enact land reforms, the agrarian faction continued their rebellion. This gave an opening to Generals Victoriano Huerta and Félix Díaz(nephew of Porfirio Díaz) who with US and German backing launched a coup d'état against Madero. This coup was successful and led to Huerta becoming President. Huerta’s presidency was not to last though, upon achieving power the Americans realized they’d backed a poor leader and began to support Venustiano Carranza and Pancho Villa. In 1914 Huerta was removed from power and the Porfiristas and Hueristas began fighting a guerrilla war against the rebels.
This brings us to 1915, an important year for the PLM. By the opening of 1915 the cohesiveness of PLM was shattered, various groups across different regions were splitting off to form new organizations and overall funding was starting to dry up. In LA, a group broke off and started the Revolutionary Workers Union (UOR) and its associated commune, though the main branch of the PLM continued to exist. In late 1914 a group of Hueristas who had crossed the border into Texas, settled and organized with the PLM network in the region and on January 6th of 1915 this group met in the town of San Diego, Texas in order to write El Plan de San Diego, forming what would become the Sedicionistas.
The Plan de San Diego is important because it would serve as an ideological building block for Chicanismo and all future Mexican revolutionary projects in America, it starts by stating:
“On the 20th day of February, 1915, at two o’clock in the morning, we will arise in arms against the Government and Country of the United States of North America, one as all and all as one, proclaiming the liberty of the individuals of the black race and its independence of Yankee tyranny which has held us in iniquitous slavery since remote times; and at the same time and in the same manner we will proclaim the independence and segregation of the states bordering upon the Mexican Nation, which are: Texas, New Mexico, Arizona, Colorado, and Upper California, of which states the Republic of Mexico was robbed in a most perfidious manner by North American imperialism.
2. In order to render the foregoing clause effective, the necessary army corps will be formed, under the immediate command of military leaders named by the supreme revolutionary congress of San Diego, Texas, which shall have full power to designate a supreme chief, who shall be at the head of said army. The banner which shall guide us in this enterprise shall be red, with a white diagonal fringe, and bearing the following inscription: “equality and independence,” and none of the subordinate leaders or subalterns shall use any other flag (except only the white flag for signals). The aforesaid army shall be known by the name of: “liberating army for races and peoples.””
Immediately in the first paragraphs there are a few major things. The first idea presented and one that is continuously referred to not only in this document but in others, is the concept of creating intersectional alliances for the benefit of the Mexican people. In this case, the clauses contain the means to raise up an African Corps of soldiers to make promises to so that they would fight for the Sedicionista cause. The plan deliberately confuses the black struggle in America with that of the Mexican-American refugee claiming they've both been slaves under—of all things— the Yankee regime. As we can see though, the reasoning for this revolution is the return of the Southwest and West to Mexico. The symbolism as well should be noted for the ideological inheritance shown so far, a red flag with the slogan “Equality and Independence” being flown by the “Liberating army for races and peoples”. As we will soon see, this plan does not call for liberation of all peoples, instead is a plan for total war on the American Government and the peoples of the region.
The Plan contains rules regarding the means by which this mass execution should be carried out:
“5. It is strictly forbidden to hold prisoners, either special prisoners (civilians) or soldiers; and the only time that should be spent in dealing with them is that which is absolutely necessary to demand funds (loans) of them; and whether these demands be successful or not, they shall be shot immediately, without any pretext.
6. Every stranger who shall be found armed and who cannot prove his right to carry arms, shall be summarily executed, regardless of his race or nationality.
7. Every North American over sixteen years of age shall be put to death; and only the aged men, the women, and the children shall be respected; and on no account shall the traitors to our race be spared or respected.”
As you can see, all prisoners will be executed, all armed persons will be executed, and all North American men over 16 years of age will be executed, including “race traitors”. In this case race traitors include Tejanos, Hispanos and any Indigenous tribe which refuses submission to the Sedicionista cause. Sedicionistas and even modern day Chicanistos view the native populations of the Southwest as “taco tios” the Mexican equivalent of the Soviet “kulak” or “kholol” crossed with a Spanish variation for the insult of “uncle tom”, we are farmers and indigenous persons who by our culture and historical ties to the land must be destroyed in order for the land to be resettled and redistributed according to the expansionist ambitions of the Mexican revolutionaries.
Sections 8, 11 and 12 all lay out the greater Sedicionista cause and plans to co-opt other people groups and use them for their own ends:
“8. The apaches of Arizona, as well as the indians (Redskins) of the territory, shall be given every guarantee; and their lands which have been taken from them shall be returned to them, to the end that they may assist us in the cause which we defend…
11. When we shall have obtained independence for the negroes, we shall grant them a banner, which they themselves shall be permitted to select, and we shall aid them in obtaining six States of the American union, which states border upon those already mentioned, and they may form from these six States a republic, and they may be, therefore, independent.
12. None of the leaders shall have power to make terms with the enemy without first communicating with the superior officers of the army, bearing in mind that this is a war without quarter; nor shall any leader enroll in his ranks any stranger, unless said stranger belong to the Latin, the Negro, or the Japanese race.”
El Plan de San Diego is quite clearly a call for a communist race war. For what purpose though? For Mexican expansionism.
“10. The movement having gathered force, and once having possessed ourselves of the States above alluded to, we shall proclaim them an independent republic, later requesting (if it be thought expedient) annexation to Mexico, without concerning ourselves at that time about the form of government which may control the destinies of the common mother country.”
El Plan de San Diego over time will come to serve as the cornerstone of all future Marxist plans which will eventually rebrand themselves under the name Chicano.
Returning to 1915, the February 20th date came and went with no action yet the plan still remained. The region and border crossings were being contested by Villistas and Carrancistas with heavy fighting in April, but by the end of the month the Carrancistas had come out victorious and some historians say that with the blessing of the Carrancistas and perhaps even Carranza himself, the Sedicionistas crossed over into the United States. On July 4th, 1915, an estimated 40 Sedicionistas launched a raid on Indios Ranch in Cameron County, Texas. Skirmishing broke out across the ranches of the region and on July 11th the first deaths were reported. While guarding a dance outside of Brownsville, two Tejano Deputies, Pablo Falcon and Encarnacion Cuellar were ambushed. Deputy Falcon died almost immediately but Dep. Cuellar returned fire striking and mortally wounding one of the Sedicionistas. Both officers died in the firefight.
Burning bridges, cutting telegraph wires, ambushing US Army columns, executing civilians and ranchers, raping women, stealing horses, engaging in petty thievery, the Sedicionistas left a swatch of murder and vileness in their wake. Two leaders came to rise to the top of the Sedicionista movement Luis de la Rosa, a self educated Marxist, and Aniceto Pizaña a Tejano ideological recruit and recruiter who joined the movement after being the innocent target of a US reprisal raid. The local Tejano population suffered greatly during this time, the vast majority of the population took a 3rd party pro-law and order position to the situation but often the United States government brought just as much chaos and evil as the Seditionistas. La Hora de Sangre(The Hour of Blood) had begun.
Since this article is a ideological analysis rather than a purely historical one I will digress and not list every tit-for-tat military attack and raid that occured, many other authors and books have been written on the situation and to my knowledge none have documented every single instance because the instances of conflict and atrocity became so numerous it’s hard to record properly. However, La Hora de Sangre was just a drop in the bucket and considered a minor part in La Matanza(The Slaughter).
It’s hard to define where La Matanza started and when it ended but most historians put it between 1910-1930 though some say it goes into the early 50s and may even be considered to include the Zoot Suit Riots. What is clear though is that La Matanza scars the cultural conscience of all Latinos everywhere; Mexicanos, Tejanos, Hispanos and Californios, all remember the time of extreme violence faced at the beginning of the 20th century. A rash of unjustified violence and lynchings had already broken out around the same time as the Mexican Revolution but the activities of the Sedicionistas in 1915 and Pancho Villa’s Villistas in 1916 brought a whole new wave of violence to the region. In retaliation for the actions of the radical agrarians and their raids in the US State Rangers, Calvary, Law Enforcement, Vigilantes and the KKK all took to raiding and attacking the farms and houses of anyone perceived to be too Mexican. A wave of mass lynchings, executions, murders, robberies and raids swept the South West. Historians estimate approximately 600 lynchings occured during that time though oral history puts it at over a thousand. Historians are rather unsure how many farm raids occured in total throughout this time, over 300 happened in Texas just in 1915 and 1916 alone. Given that there were more than farm raids and lynchings going on and since the actions included extra-judicial execution and vigilante actions the estimation of total killed across the entire Southwest is nearly 5,000 even if we remain conservative about the number. These numbers were on top of the Mexican raids and executions of other people in the same people group in the Southwest. If we were to tally all the various criminal actions that occured during La Matanza it would stand in the tens of thousands. When we look at what happened without bias then it becomes clear that what occured in the American Southwest was nothing short of a massacre. Concurrent to La Matanza were various instigated labor uprisings, the region was in flames.
While justice was served in a few cases, for the exceeding majority there was no punishment. Mexican bandits would be permitted to get bail and roam free or would be sent back to Mexico where they would face no repercussions. In the case of Americans often little was done and if the criminal worked for the government, inquiries would be covered up; in a few cases there were dismissals, arrests and some promotions were withheld but the situation on the frontier remained abysmal.
As I said earlier; when people from this region engage in violence it is often to stop violence and seek resolution. In the case of La Matanza the people of the American Southwest could do nothing but stand back and allow their society to be raided and burned by people from two vastly different cultures; one an inheritor of the Anglo-liberalism that settled the Northeast and the other a turn of the century ideological perversion of a collapsed state. Neither bringing peace nor values that the people of the Southwest were used to.
During La Matanza the majority of the Mexicans who had settled in America went back to Mexico. So much so that the Texas government was recruiting laborers from Mexico to come work the farms in America. After a decade of working the farms, the Great Depression and Dustbowl would begin at the end of the 20s, which led most Mexicans to leave back to Mexico. Due to the Great Depression the American Government started mass deportations of Mexicans which massively reduced the Mexican population in the United States.
Thus the first wave of Mexican-American Identity mostly disappeared in the early 1930s though many of the sedicionista/magonista inspired networks and communes remained, leaving behind a taint on the Mexican-American identity that as we will see still seeks to pervert it to this day.
Reappearing again in the 1940s after Mexican laborers came to help American industry and after Veterans of the Second World War returned home, the Mexican-American identity began anew, integrating heavily with American society and embracing Rockwellian ideals. This ethnic and cultural change unlike that of the 1910s was actually one of substance. However, the acceptance of what a friend of mine has termed “Rockwellianism”, led to what would become the psuedomorphosis of the people group as soon as the 60s hit. The key difference between Mexican-Americanism in the 60s and the 40s and 50s is the on the ground communal realities. In the 60s the Mexican-American identity changed yet again from a distinct sub type of American—much like an Italian or Irish American is distinct—into an artificially created conceptual category that was subservient to Chicanismo. Chicanismo became the culture and identity and Mexican-American became a category that served as a merely logical or analytical position to justify Chicanismo.
The idea of Chicanismo is the introduction of the “new man” that marxists so desire and require for the success of their revolutions. We covered much earlier what the dialectic and strategy is and after having brought you through the historical context of how the ideology got to the Southwest now we can see how it was employed against all the peoples of the Southwest.
Chicanismo originates in the mid to late 1960s as the United States was experiencing political turmoil caused by war and internal political strife. There are various origins for members and factions that would have a profound impact on the Chicano movement but for the sake of brevity one thing is clear all of these various influential people and groups came into contact with each other during the poor people’s campaign of 1968. Prior to 1968 the various factions that would eventually unite under the Chicano identity and political banner were not all in contact with one another and many had conflicting beliefs though many grew out of union and leftist organizations with ties to PLM networks. However, by the time of the poor people’s campaign nearly all of the leadership and members of the various factions and groups had become disillusioned with the normal political routine and began to intermix their various ideological backgrounds into a new movement to form a new man. An excellent example of this is Rodolfo "Corky" Gonzales, a second generation Mexican-American, who’s father had come with the earlier waves of radical revolutionaries who immigrated to America, he had been a pious Catholic and had previously worked for the Kennedy campaign prior to becoming disillusioned. Once disillusioned Corky turned to forming the Chicano Nationalist movement, he established the Crusade for Justice organization to get involved in communities in the Denver area. Parts of the Gonzalez family are still engaged in Colorado politics today and his granddaughter serves on the Denver City Council and previously served in the Colorado House of Representatives. Lest I digress into Rodolfo’s disagreements with Reies Tijerina, the differing ideological schools, patronage networks, petty familial beefs, and all of the squabbles that come with politics, I must explain why Rodolfo serves as such a perfect example. Rodolfo’s political, spiritual and religious change is not only a significant archetype signifying greater cultural changes but he played a key role in creating two of the most fundamental pieces of literature in the Chicano myth. Rodolfo Gonzalez both wrote the well known poem Yo Soy Joaquín and he also was one of the two writers behind El Plan Espiritual de Aztlán(the Spiritual Plan of Aztlan). Both works are key to understanding what Chicanismo is and what the Chicano understanding of the New Man is. However, El Plan Espiritual de Aztlán cannot be rightly understood without an introduction to what the new man is, this definition is given to us in Yo Soy Joaquín which I will endeavor to explain below.
Yo Soy Joaquín
Yo soy Joaquín, perdido en un mundo de confusión: I am Joaquín, lost in a world of confusion, caught up in the whirl of a gringo society, confused by the rules, scorned by attitudes, suppressed by manipulation, and destroyed by modern society. My fathers have lost the economic battle and won the struggle of cultural survival. And now! I must choose between the paradox of victory of the spirit, despite physical hunger, or to exist in the grasp of American social neurosis, sterilization of the soul and a full stomach. Yes, I have come a long way to nowhere, unwillingly dragged by that monstrous, technical, industrial giant called Progress and Anglo success.... I look at myself. I watch my brothers. I shed tears of sorrow. I sow seeds of hate. I withdraw to the safety within the circle of life -- MY OWN PEOPLE I am Cuauhtémoc, proud and noble, leader of men, king of an empire civilized beyond the dreams of the gachupín Cortés, who also is the blood, the image of myself. I am the Maya prince. I am Nezahualcóyotl, great leader of the Chichimecas. I am the sword and flame of Cortes the despot And I am the eagle and serpent of the Aztec civilization. I owned the land as far as the eye could see under the Crown of Spain, and I toiled on my Earth and gave my Indian sweat and blood for the Spanish master who ruled with tyranny over man and beast and all that he could trample But...THE GROUND WAS MINE. I was both tyrant and slave. As the Christian church took its place in God's name, to take and use my virgin strength and trusting faith, the priests, both good and bad, took-- but gave a lasting truth that Spaniard Indian Mestizo were all God's children. And from these words grew men who prayed and fought for their own worth as human beings, for that GOLDEN MOMENT of FREEDOM. I was part in blood and spirit of that courageous village priest Hidalgo who in the year eighteen hundred and ten rang the bell of independence and gave out that lasting cry-- El Grito de Dolores "Que mueran los gachupines y que viva la Virgen de Guadalupe...." I sentenced him who was me I excommunicated him, my blood. I drove him from the pulpit to lead a bloody revolution for him and me.... I killed him. His head, which is mine and of all those who have come this way, I placed on that fortress wall to wait for independence. Morelos! Matamoros! Guerrero! all companeros in the act, STOOD AGAINST THAT WALL OF INFAMY to feel the hot gouge of lead which my hands made. I died with them ... I lived with them .... I lived to see our country free. Free from Spanish rule in eighteen-hundred-twenty-one. Mexico was free?? The crown was gone but all its parasites remained, and ruled, and taught, with gun and flame and mystic power. I worked, I sweated, I bled, I prayed, and waited silently for life to begin again. I fought and died for Don Benito Juarez, guardian of the Constitution. I was he on dusty roads on barren land as he protected his archives as Moses did his sacraments. He held his Mexico in his hand on the most desolate and remote ground which was his country. And this giant little Zapotec gave not one palm's breadth of his country's land to kings or monarchs or presidents of foreign powers. I am Joaquin. I rode with Pancho Villa, crude and warm, a tornado at full strength, nourished and inspired by the passion and the fire of all his earthy people. I am Emiliano Zapata. "This land, this earth is OURS." The villages, the mountains, the streams belong to Zapatistas. Our life or yours is the only trade for soft brown earth and maize. All of which is our reward, a creed that formed a constitution for all who dare live free! "This land is ours . . . Father, I give it back to you. Mexico must be free. . . ." I ride with revolutionists against myself. I am the Rurales, coarse and brutal, I am the mountian Indian, superior over all. The thundering hoof beats are my horses. The chattering machine guns are death to all of me: Yaqui Tarahumara Chamala Zapotec Mestizo Español. I have been the bloody revolution, The victor, The vanquished. I have killed And been killed. I am the despots Díaz And Huerta And the apostle of democracy, Francisco Madero. I am The black-shawled Faithfulwomen Who die with me Or live Depending on the time and place. I am faithful, humble Juan Diego, The Virgin of Guadalupe, Tonantzín, Aztec goddess, too. I rode the mountains of San Joaquín. I rode east and north As far as the Rocky Mountains, And All men feared the guns of Joaquín Murrieta. I killed those men who dared To steal my mine, Who raped and killed my love My wife. Then I killed to stay alive. I was Elfego Baca, living my nine lives fully. I was the Espinoza brothers of the Valle de San Luis. All were added to the number of heads that in the name of civilization were placed on the wall of independence, heads of brave men who died for cause or principle, good or bad. Hidalgo! Zapata! Murrieta! Espinozas! Are but a few. They dared to face The force of tyranny Of men who rule by deception and hypocrisy. I stand here looking back, And now I see the present, And still I am a campesino, I am the fat political coyote– I, Of the same name, Joaquín, In a country that has wiped out All my history, Stifled all my pride, In a country that has placed a Different weight of indignity upon my age-old burdened back. Inferiority is the new load . . . . The Indian has endured and still Emerged the winner, The Mestizo must yet overcome, And the gachupín will just ignore. I look at myself And see part of me Who rejects my father and my mother And dissolves into the melting pot To disappear in shame. I sometimes Sell my brother out And reclaim him For my own when society gives me Token leadership In society's own name. I am Joaquín, Who bleeds in many ways. The altars of Moctezuma I stained a bloody red. My back of Indian slavery Was stripped crimson From the whips of masters Who would lose their blood so pure When revolution made them pay, Standing against the walls of retribution. Blood has flowed from me on every battlefield between campesino, hacendado, slave and master and revolution. I jumped from the tower of Chapultepec into the sea of fame– my country's flag my burial shroud– with Los Niños, whose pride and courage could not surrender with indignity their country's flag to strangers . . . in their land. Now I bleed in some smelly cell from club or gun or tyranny. I bleed as the vicious gloves of hunger Cut my face and eyes, As I fight my way from stinking barrios To the glamour of the ring And lights of fame Or mutilated sorrow. My blood runs pure on the ice-caked Hills of the Alaskan isles, On the corpse-strewn beach of Normandy, The foreign land of Korea And now Vietnam. Here I stand Before the court of justice, Guilty For all the glory of my Raza To be sentenced to despair. Here I stand, Poor in money, Arrogant with pride, Bold with machismo, Rich in courage And Wealthy in spirit and faith. My knees are caked with mud. My hands calloused from the hoe. I have made the Anglo rich, Yet Equality is but a word– The Treaty of Hidalgo has been broken And is but another treacherous promise. My land is lost And stolen, My culture has been raped. I lengthen the line at the welfare door And fill the jails with crime. These then are the rewards This society has For sons of chiefs And kings And bloody revolutionists, Who gave a foreign people All their skills and ingenuity To pave the way with brains and blood For those hordes of gold-starved strangers, Who Changed our language And plagiarized our deeds As feats of valor Of their own. They frowned upon our way of life and took what they could use. Our art, our literature, our music, they ignored– so they left the real things of value and grabbed at their own destruction by their greed and avarice. They overlooked that cleansing fountain of nature and brotherhood which is Joaquín. The art of our great señores, Diego Rivera, Siqueiros, Orozco, is but another act of revolution for the salvation of mankind. Mariachi music, the heart and soul of the people of the earth, the life of the child, and the happiness of love. The corridos tell the tales of life and death, of tradition, legends old and new, of joy of passion and sorrow of the people–who I am. I am in the eyes of woman, sheltered beneath her shawl of black, deep and sorrowful eyes that bear the pain of sons long buried or dying, dead on the battlefield or on the barbed wire of social strife. Her rosary she prays and fingers endlessly like the family working down a row of beets to turn around and work and work. There is no end. Her eyes a mirror of all the warmth and all the love for me, and I am her and she is me. We face life together in sorrow, anger, joy, faith and wishful thoughts. I shed the tears of anguish as I see my children disappear behind the shroud of mediocrity, never to look back to remember me. I am Joaquín. I must fight and win this struggle for my sons, and they must know from me who I am. Part of the blood that runs deep in me could not be vanquished by the Moors. I defeated them after five hundred years, and I have endured. Part of the blood that is mine has labored endlessly four hundred years under the heel of lustful Europeans. I am still here! I have endured in the rugged mountains Of our country I have survived the toils and slavery of the fields. I have existed In the barrios of the city In the suburbs of bigotry In the mines of social snobbery In the prisons of dejection In the muck of exploitation And In the fierce heat of racial hatred. And now the trumpet sounds, The music of the people stirs the Revolution. Like a sleeping giant it slowly Rears its head To the sound of Tramping feet Clamoring voices Mariachi strains Fiery tequila explosions The smell of chile verde and Soft brown eyes of expectation for a Better life. And in all the fertile farmlands, the barren plains, the mountain villages, smoke-smeared cities, we start to MOVE. La raza! Méjicano! Español! Latino! Chicano! Or whatever I call myself, I look the same I feel the same I cry And Sing the same. I am the masses of my people and I refuse to be absorbed. I am Joaquín. The odds are great But my spirit is strong, My faith unbreakable, My blood is pure. I am Aztec prince and Christian Christ. I SHALL ENDURE! I WILL ENDURE!
While there are some true statements in this poem, the Marxist use of dialectics here should be obvious to the reader. According to the Marxist you are only a construct of social existences; these existences have nothing inherent to themselves, and the product of the conflict of these contradictory groups is that they may all be integrated into the New Man in the means that fits the socialist’s morality and principles. This poem is the very beginning of the subversion I first mentioned at the start of this article. The reader travels through the epochs being told they are thesis and anti-thesis and that in the unity of the blood(the resolution to the contradiction) there is a new race being created, La Raza Cósmica(The Cosmic Race). La Raza Cosmica originates from a Mexican Philosopher in the 1920s who believed that a 5th race would emerge in the New World and would create the coming Utopia by destroying all the ideological constructs that came before it through subsuming various peoples into its ethnic identity. It is the Thesis that the reactionary and Far-Right anti-thesis is seeks to destroy, it is imperialist in a totally new sense. Rather than conquest, opposition or unity, it instead seeks subsumption in the name of utopianism. It is another corrupt fruit of radical enlightenment thinking; it is neo-atlanticism for the Mexican man. In many ways it is early Rockwellianism imported into Mexico.
Returning to the poem though we see the living contradiction that is embodied and reconciled in the man. Only a selection of the virtues of the past are deemed acceptable for the future and instead of fully embracing all that makes each people group and person what they are the virtues are limited in order to create a narrative of struggle that masks the self-hatred that Chicanismo is built upon. While self loving it is also self despising, loving the Aztec Empire and Mexican Imperialism and all those agrarians and revolutionaries it despises other Native peoples and the Spaniards. It refuses to accept the primal cry of the self-identity for what it is and what it has done and rather than seeking unity, peace and reconciliation, it doubles down and imposes a new creation to recapitulate the same old stories, the same old issues and the same old imperialism that it so claims to despise. Chicanismo at its core is cognitive dissonance as racial supremacy under the disguise of equality, justice and land reforms. For those who are secure in their identities and traditions as well as those diasporas who had unity and peace prior to the Mexican Revolution, the adoption of Chicanismo is nothing more than being told to wear the skin of another, and I can think of nothing as perverse as that.
This poem also disproves the “pious Catholic” narrative that some Chicanos will promote. It is common for Chicanistos to promote the idea that Chicanismo is a pious attempt to follow Catholic social teaching when it is not. Apart from Cesar Chavez there is not a single Chicano Revolutionary that in any way attempted submission to church teachings without subversion. As soon as the opportunity was given to abandon traditionalism and religious practices, it was taken as can be seen by the removal of the Christian cross from the Brown Beret logo. Anticlericalism and Expropriation are political platforms of the Chicano movement as I will make exceedingly clear later. Rodolfo Gonzales’s statement that the people are the Christ is also a theme commonly repeated throughout Chicano literature and as you saw in Yo Soy Joaquín the idea of the people as the gods and children of the gods is also a major theme, together these two things quite blatantly mark out Chicanismo as an anti-Christ movement. The greatest example of such a psuedo-religion being ideologically dogmatized comes from the next important document in this ideological lineage, El Plan Espiritual de Aztlan.
The Spiritual Plan of Aztlan is so important to the development of Chicano identity that I will quote the whole document in full that its impact may be properly understood by the reader, it needs no further introduction:
“In the spirit of a new people that is conscious not only of its proud historical heritage but also of the brutal "gringo" invasion of our territories, we, the Chicano, Mexican, Latino, Indiginous inhabitants and civilizers of the northern land of Aztlan from whence came our forefathers, reclaiming the land of their birth and consecrating the determination of our people of the sun, declare that the call of our sangre is our power, our responsibility, and our inevitable destiny. We are free and sovereign to determine those tasks which are justly called for by our house, our land, the sweat of our brows, and by our hearts. Aztlan belongs to those who plant the seeds, water the fields, and gather the crops and not to the foreign Europeans. We do not recognize capricious frontiers on the bronze continent Brotherhood unites us, and love for our brothers makes us a people whose time has come and who struggles against the foreigner "gabacho" who exploits our riches and destroys our culture. With our heart in our hands and our hands in the soil, we declare the independence of our mestizo nation. We are a bronze people with a bronze culture. Before the world, before all of North America, before all our brothers in the bronze continent, we are a nation, we are a union of free pueblos, we are Aztlan. For La Raza to do. Fuera de La Raza nada. Program El Plan Espiritual de Aztlan sets the theme that the Chicanos (La Raza de Bronze) must use their nationalism as the key or common denominator for mass mobilization and organization. Once we are committed to the idea and philosophy of El Plan de Aztlan, we can only conclude that social, economic, cultural, and political independence is the only road to total liberation from oppression, exploitation, and racism. Our struggle then must be for the control of our barrios, campos, pueblos, lands, our economy, our culture, and our political life. El Plan commits all levels of Chicano society - the barrio, the campo, the ranchero, the writer, the teacher, the worker, the professional - to La Causa. Nationalism Nationalism as the key to organization transcends all religious, political, class, and economic factions or boundaries. Nationalism is the common denominator that all members of La Raza can agree upon."
The introduction to the Spiritual Plan of Aztlan frames the state of mind and objectives for the Chicano movement. Determining non-chicanos to be a foreign occupier, the unity of the peoples shall be committed under this new race, identifying itself as La Raza de Bronze or La Raza Bronze(The Bronze Race), this new race justifies its claim to the land as a reconciliation of the dialectical contradiction that came before and importantly through the intermixing of the essence of the people with their labor just as Marx lays out in Das Capital. Since the product is the dirt taken by the man and mixed by the man with the man to create a product the product belongs to the man. The idea from Marx may seem correct on the surface and may be true to man in the state of nature but this concept outside of the state of nature is stating that product only ever belongs to the laborer and that only the laborer has the rights to the product not the consumer nor the capitalist. To break the idea down in the context of El Plan Espiritual de Aztlan also means that the possession of the product does not belong to those who the laborer has sold the product to nor to those who’ve paid the laborer nor to those whom both natural and civil law have caused a rightful contract regarding the product with the laborer. In the case of El Plan Espiritual de Aztlan, we can replace the idea of product here with the idea of land and it’s usage and the laborer is not just one persons but the entire new racial category of La Raza. The byproduct of this racial-economic theory becomes the materialist metaphysics of La Raza de Bronze, where the people are Bronze because they are children of the sun who’ve worked the land and have imbued their labor into it, in return the bronze race can make a claim to the land. This ignores the fact that the same “foreign Europeans” which the Plan denounces also have worked on and lived on the land. All the various peoples of the Southwest have connection to this land and saying that one group has a right to it over any other simply by virtue of their skin color and then importing Marxist metaphyiscs into the story of that skin color and then throwing pagan myths over the top is nothing other than an act of cultural perversion by mysticism which is truly at its core no different from what the Nazis did, the only difference this time being the Anglos as the institutional oppressor class instead of the Jews. To simply refute the Chicano labor theory put forwards here one statement needs to be made; one’s labor does not override economic and civil contracts nor natural law including that of conquest and survival, nor the legitimacy of a state or people that already exists, nor does your current labor reverse the labor of that which came before you in the sense that it is more important or binding. The entire concept of labor is in this theory is an unproved assumption used as an excuse to expropriate goods and spark revolution.
While claiming tradition as uniting, El Plan Espiritual de Aztlan actually deliberately demeans the traditions of the peoples and unity amongst the people by dismissing the existence of non-Chicano identity groups such as Indigenous peoples and Hispanos as “capricious frontiers”. To the Chicano the traditions which it claims comprise the ideology, cannot exist independently and on their own(without Chicanismo) because their existence is too individual and irreconcilable to the revolution. This position is the opposite of our traditional communitarianism because it is imposing a conceptualization of a new individual who is the forefront of a collective mind that will erase the community as it has existed that it may serve the revolution. The idea of a “union of free pueblos” is nothing more than lip service, there is no true unity in this plan, there is just erasure and dissolution. The final statements of the second Paragraph in the introduction are nothing more than an oxymoron, a “free pueblo” has the freedom to not be Aztlan, yet it says that free pueblos are Aztlan and the words in Spanish couldn’t make that any more clear; “for the Race, everything. Outside of the Race, nothing.” Chicanismo needs manufactured nationalism to live and to breathe because it is a created unnatural category that does not exist to serve people and cultures as they are but exists as a means to devote the most amount of people to a Communist Revolution as foot soldiers. There is a mutual exclusivity of identity going on here, either you are Chicano or you are not, you cannot be an genuine indigenous person and Chicano nor can you be a genuine hispano and Chicano. The weakness of Chicanismo is because it is created and false and its dedication to the communist cause necessitates that the Plan must be followed through in all parts of the society which must be dedicated to it, to deviate from this only opens up the movement to the very criticisms I am levying at it, to break from the communist mold is to break communism, hence the necessity of the nationalist myth of Aztlan to back the mold.
Returning to the Plan, we have now reached the core political platform of the movement;
Organizational Goals 1. UNITY in the thinking of our people concerning the barrios, the pueblo, the campo, the land, the poor, the middle class, the professional-all committed to the liberation of La Raza. 2. ECONOMY: economic control of our lives and our communities can only come about by driving the exploiter out of our communities, our pueblos, and our lands and by controlling and developing our own talents, sweat, and resources. Cultural background and values which ignore materialism and embrace humanism will contribute to the act of cooperative buying and the distribution of resources and production to sustain an economic base for healthy growth and development Lands rightfully ours will be fought for and defended. Land and realty ownership will be acquired by the community for the people's welfare. Economic ties of responsibility must be secured by nationalism and the Chicano defense units. 3. EDUCATION must be relative to our people, i.e., history, culture, bilingual education, contributions, etc. Community control of our schools, our teachers, our administrators, our counselors, and our programs. 4. INSTITUTIONS shall serve our people by providing the service necessary for a full life and their welfare on the basis of restitution, not handouts or beggar's crumbs. Restitution for past economic slavery, political exploitation, ethnic and cultural psychological destruction and denial of civil and human rights. Institutions in our community which do not serve the people have no place in the community. The institutions belong to the people. 5. SELF-DEFENSE of the community must rely on the combined strength of the people. The front line defense will come from the barrios, the campos, the pueblos, and the ranchitos. Their involvement as protectors of their people will be given respect and dignity. They in turn offer their responsibility and their lives for their people. Those who place themselves in the front ranks for their people do so out of love and carnalismo. Those institutions which are fattened by our brothers to provide employment and political pork barrels for the gringo will do so only as acts of liberation and for La Causa. For the very young there will no longer be acts of juvenile delinquency, but revolutionary acts. 6. CULTURAL values of our people strengthen our identity and the moral backbone of the movement. Our culture unites and educates the family of La Raza towards liberation with one heart and one mind. We must insure that our writers, poets, musicians, and artists produce literature and art that is appealing to our people and relates to our revolutionary culture. Our cultural values of life, family, and home will serve as a powerful weapon to defeat the gringo dollar value system and encourage the process of love and brotherhood. 7. POLITICAL LIBERATION can only come through independent action on our part, since the two-party system is the same animal with two heads that feed from the same trough. Where we are a majority, we will control; where we are a minority, we will represent a pressure group; nationally, we will represent one party: La Familia de La Raza! Action 1. Awareness and distribution of El Plan Espiritual de Aztlan. Presented at every meeting, demonstration, confrontation, courthouse, institution, administration, church, school, tree, building, car, and every place of human existence. 2. September 16, on the birth date of Mexican Independence, a national walk-out by all Chicanos of all colleges and schools to be sustained until the complete revision of the educational system: its policy makers, administration, its curriculum, and its personnel to meet the needs of our community. 3. Self-Defense against the occupying forces of the oppressors at every school, every available man, woman, and child. 4. Community nationalization and organization of all Chicanos: El Plan Espiritual de Aztlan. 5. Economic program to drive the exploiter out of our community and a welding together of our people's combined resources to control their own production through cooperative effort. 6. Creation of an independent local, regional, and national political party. A nation autonomous and free - culturally, socially, economically, and politically- will make its own decisions on the usage of our lands, the taxation of our goods, the utilization of our bodies for war, the determination of justice (reward and punishment), and the profit of our sweat. El Plan de Aztlan is the plan of liberation!
From the outset we can see that the specific political position being advocated for is Communism. The Economic model is a National-Collectivization of land and property as taken from outsiders and redistributed to a communal entity. Though the method of establishing the Communist system is not explicitly Communist and relies upon taking advantage of cooperative systems within Capitalism. The mention of humanism in this section is only in the sense that the Marxist moral values are assumed to be the most humanistic, Marxism itself is materialist and that is the great cloak and false promise that it hides itself under so that it may appeal to the masses. Likewise, all institutions including educational institutions, are to take part in this National-Collectivization, those which serve contrary to the Chicano cause are to be gutted. As part of the Chicano revolution all peoples are considered part of the movement, all art and cultural products will serve the new Chicano mythos and all people in all parts of life are now conscripted into the self-defense forces, crime is no longer crime but an act of the revolution. The revolutionary party will establish themselves politically as an entirely new party. It is of note that the Chicano movement failed to establish a long term political party and by the 80s was instead forced to find sympathizers inside the Democrat party which it found as useful allies that could easily be subverted. Eventually the movement found its way into the Democrat Party. However, the Chicano movement does not align with one particular party, it aligns with the interests of La Raza.
Contrary to the Plan’s statement about itself, the Plan de Aztlan is not one of liberation but of ideological bondage. The goal of the revolution is to put those diverse groups which have been falsely subsumed and turned into the constructed category of what is Chicano, into ideological chains and through the loss of their natural identity recapitulate them as footsoldiers of the foreign ideological revolution; one that begins in France, Russia and Spain, that is brought into Mexico and into America and then imposed upon the local populace. Chicanismo for all its lip-service to traditions and peoples is the attempted creation of an Anarcho-Communist Atlantean Utopia of the West, using the indigenous inhabitants as ideological slave soldiers of a puppet nation that would serve foreign interests. It is the total perversion of the Aztec myth of the utopian Aztlan turned into a Faustian-Western European, Spenglerian Psuedo-morphosis of not only the Indigenous, but also the Spaniard, and the Mestizo, so much so that even Anglos find themselves swept up by it. Rather than each community being permitted to be unique and uniquely hold themselves to their traditions it all must be defaced in the name of a revolution of which the people don’t even know or understand yet are brainwashed into and firmly hold to due to the false promises. The Plan is nothing but the purest of poisonous lies that seeks to vampirically suck the blood of the native cultures. The revolutionary and communist aspects of the plan always reminds me the Spanish Nationalist Song ¡Ante la injusticia tendremos que avanzar! for no song has quite captured the spirit of this perversion as much as these lyrics do, partially because the people of Iberia went through an almost identical psuedo-morphosis and political captivity. (to be clear for any slanderous person, I am just comparing the struggles here, not developing philosophy in relation to other movements)
Había una vez un pueblo honrado que vivía en paz y tranquilidad, y se unía al calor del fuego, bajo una bandera además. La unión les dio el progreso, la paz la libertad, la esperanza la justicia, y el trabajo la dignidad. Pero ya lo dijo un viejo que era gallego además: «¡Atención al enemigo, que lo tenemos dentro ya!» No le hicieron caso. Muriéndose se estaba ya, pero el tiempo ha convertido las palabras del anciano en realidad, y hoy España está sembrada de sangre, odio, y crueldad. Y si la sangre no deja de correr Tendremos que avanzar sobre España Si la justicia no se implanta de una vez Tendremos que avanzar sobre España Estamos ya hartos de banderas Que nos dejan sin unidad De ver como caen los policías Sin ninguna justicia ya No queremos tantos gudaris La ikurriña no querremos jamás Luchamos por la unidad de España Y su Bandera la nacional Y si la sangre no deja de correr Tendremos que avanzar sobre España Si la justicia no se implanta de una vez Tendremos que avanzar sobre España No alzamos el brazo con odio Lo alzamos con humildad No es símbolo de enfrentamiento Sino de fraternidad Queremos un poco de justicia Sin ella no habrá libertad: Y hemos de hundir al terrorismo En una fosa donde no saldrá jamás Y si la sangre no deja de correr Tendremos que avanzar sobre España Si la justicia no se implanta de una vez Tendremos que avanzar sobre España Las calles son campos de batalla La fabrica el arsenal Donde engañan al obrero Mientras le roban el pan Y ante esto elevamos Nuestro grito de libertad: «¡Unidad de las clases sociales De tierras y razas como el sol y el mar!» Y si la sangre no deja de correr Tendremos que avanzar sobre España Si la justicia no se implanta de una vez Tendremos que avanzar sobre España Tendremos que avanzar sobre España Tendremos que avanzar sobre España Tendremos que avanzar sobre España Si esto no es capaz de cambiar Tendremos que avanzar sobre España Tendremos que avanzar sobre España Lanzando al aire el grito de «¡Dios, la Patria, y la libertad!» Lanzando al aire el grito de «¡Dios, la Patria, y la libertad!» ___________________________________________ Once upon a time there was an honest people that lived in peace and tranquillity, and they joined around the heat of the fire, and that under a flag as well. The union gave them progress, peace, liberty, hope, justice, work and dignity. But an old man, Galician to boot, verily said: “Beware the Enemy, for he is already inside!” They did not listen to him. He was already dying, but time has turned the words of the elder into reality, and today Spain is sown with blood, hatred, and cruelty. And if the blood does not stop running We will have to move in on Spain If justice is not established once and for all We will have to move in on Spain We are already sick of flags That leave us devoid of unity Of seeing how the policemen fall Without any justice now We do not want so many gudaris [basque nationalist-communist militia] We will never want the ikurriña [basque national flag] We fight for the unity of Spain And her National Flag And if the blood does not stop running We will have to move in on Spain If justice is not established once and for all We will have to move in on Spain We do not raise an arm in hate We raise it in humility It is not a symbol of confrontation But of fraternity We want a bit of justice Without it there will be no liberty And we must bury terrorism In a grave it shall never leave And if the blood does not stop running We will have to move in on Spain If justice is not established once and for all We will have to move in on Spain The streets are battlefields The factory the arsenal Where they deceive the laborer While they steal his bread And in the face of this we raise Our cry of liberty: “Unity of social classes, Of lands and races like the Sun and Sea!” And if the blood does not stop running We will have to move in on Spain If justice is not established once and for all We will have to move in on Spain We will have to move in on Spain We will have to move in on Spain We will have to move in on Spain If this cannot change We will have to move in on Spain We will have to move in on Spain Hurling to the winds the cry of “God, Fatherland, and Liberty!” Hurling to the winds the cry of “GOD, FATHERLAND, AND LIBERTY!”
While the language may at times appear similar the heart and soul is different. Unity in this song is a call to communal identity while retaining the respective regional and collective identities and even individual identities in the face of false movements and flags which seek to spread lies in order to turn the streets to warzones. A unity of classes, races and lands can occur without Communism and can occur while everyone gets to retain their identity, it is the lie of the Communist and the Revolutionary that tells us that we must reform ourselves into the material dialectic in order to become better humans. I am already human. I already have a culture. I already have a people. I already have a cause. The lies, terrorism, erasure and cognitive dissonance of the communist will do nothing but destroy the people it claims to serve; Atención al enemigo, que lo tenemos dentro ya! To them we are just disposable weapons of the never ending and continuous alien revolution.
“We should take over the rich legacy and the good traditions in literature and art that have been handed down from past ages in China and foreign countries, but the aim must still be to serve the masses of the people. Nor do we refuse to utilize the literary and artistic forms of the past, but in our hands these old forms, remoulded and infused with new content, also become something revolutionary in the service of the people.” -Mao, Talks at the Yunan Forum on Literature and Art
Just a few years after the Plan of Aztlan another major conference was held, The National Chicana Conference. What we’ve already discussed seems like minor issues when compared to some of the statements made at the National Chicana Conference.
Sex and the Chicana We feel that in order to provide an effective measure to correct the many sexual hangups facing the Chicano community the following resolutions should be implemented: I. Sex is good and healthy for both Chicano and Chicanas and we must develop this attitude II. We should destroy the myth that religion and culture control our sexual lives III. We recognize that we have been oppressed by religion and that the religious writing was don by men and interpreted by men. Therefore, for those who desire religion, they should interpret their Bible, or Catholic rulings according to their own feelings, what they think is right, without any guilt complexes. IV. Mothers should teach their sons to respect women as human beings who are equal in every respect. No double standard. V. Women should go back to the communities and form discussion and action groups concerning sex education. VI. Free, legal abortions and birth control for the Chicano community, controlled by Chicanas. As Chicanas we have the right to control our own bodies. VII. Make use of church centers, neighborhood centers and any other place available. "Liberate your mind and the body will follow..." "A quitarnos todos nuestros complejos sexuales para tener una vida mejor y feliz" (Let's cast off all our sexual complexes to have a better and happier life) Religion I. Recognize the Plan de Aztlan II. Take over already existing Church resources for community use, i.e., health, Chicano awareness—public information of its resources, etc. III. Oppose any institutionalized religion. IV. Revolutionary change of Catholic Church or for it to get out of the way V. Establish communication with the barrio and implement programs of awareness to the Chicano movement
Rather than specifically focusing on the sexual ethics of the Conference I would instead like to point the reader’s attention to the greater theme of the document, that of expropriation of the church. Knowing that the historically many of the Mexican liberals and even constitutionalists desired expropriation of church property it should be no surprise to see this aim reappear later in the American-facing version of their political platform. Statements such as “destroy the myth that religion and culture control our sexual lives”, “The bible and church ruling should be interpreted according to the individual’s morality and emotions”, “Make use of church centers…”, “Take over Church resources ie health”, “impose institutionalized religion”, “ revolutionary change of the Catholic Church” in tandem with the only definition of health in the entire conference being that of abortion, one can only conclude that the conference is advocating for the expropriation of Church assets to the Chicano movement for its political aims and also for use as abortion facilities. It is also of note that El Plan de Aztlan is considered the religion of the people, hence it’s immediate adoption under the religious section.
The destruction of the Church and the traditional Hispanic ties to the church and religious traditions at large is part and parcel of this genocide that is disguised as self love. As an aside, this is not just an issue for Roman Catholics either, while coming archives I found protests and church-takeovers of Presbyterian and Anglican churches too. Reading the reports and interviews of the protestors it seems that many community leaders had largely bought into Chicanismo and become ideologues while many of the laity and people in the barrio(neighborhood) were totally unaware of the historical and ideological ramifications of the political movement they were being conscripted into. The legalizing of drugs and mass abortions originates in the Southwest for a reason; a large part of that being because the party, elites and institutions have created a patronage system that has subverted local populations with the promises of liberty and kickbacks to their political interest groups and NGOs. Lest one thinks the accusation of genocide is overblown they should look at the abortion statistics of the Hispanic population across the Southwest. New Mexico leads the country in most abortions per 100,000 people and Colorado, similar to New Mexico, has what are essentially no limit abortions. Nuevo Mexicanos, Hispanos, Indios, and those Mexican-Americans who are not subverted should be immediately wary of anyone trying to sell them the myth of protestors and rioters being “Pious Catholics” these protestors often break Catholic and Protestant social teaching in their demonstrations and a core belief hidden behind the mask they put up is the total annihilation of the independent church.
Reies Tijerina for example used his background as Oneness Pentecostal Preacher to establish what essentially was a cult that attempted to achieve identarian political aims. Reies most certainly did have at least some good ideas about land reform and in his early years, the legal ways to go about returning ownership to the proper owners, his eventual militancy developed out of his propensity for apocalyptic prophecy which led to his political movement more or less becoming a stereotypical 70s cult with hispanic expressions.
The only activist I consider an exception to the Chicano and Psuedo-Mexican-American assaults on the faith is Cesar Chavez. Chavez unlike the others did not seek to co-opt or subvert the church in any way but instead rally the people around a shared religious identity and even submitted himself to church authority. Chavez I find to have been a very good man even if I at times disagree with him. The same cannot be said of the continuation of the United Farm Workers’ Union today, as the union lobbies for the perpetuation of the very encomienda system that Chavez had set it up to destroy(it does not offer alternate jobs or education but lobbies for farms to continue to use human labor in instances where it continues to be dangerous and alternative methods exist) and has become nothing but a political patron to the elites and party members of the left; making it just as complicit in the ideological and physical slavery of the people. The only revolutionary change caused by all the Chicano movements as a whole, including the UFW has been who the encomendero is.
Having now covered what a Chicano is, where it comes from and how it’s an illegitimate category and perversion of the various regional self identities of Californio, Hispano, Indio, Mexican, Mexican-American and Tejano we can turn to the educational and institutional goals of the identity and movement to see how it has gained the political momentum that it has through textbook use of the Marxist dialectic and education(brainwashing).
“Marx outlined the transition period as resulting from the explosive transformation of the capitalist system destroyed by its own contradictions. In historical reality, however, we have seen that some countries that were weak limbs on the tree of imperialism were torn off first — a phenomenon foreseen by Lenin.
In these countries, capitalism had developed sufficiently to make its effects felt by the people in one way or another. But it was not capitalism's internal contradictions that, having exhausted all possibilities, caused the system to explode. The struggle for liberation from a foreign oppressor; the misery caused by external events such as war, whose consequences privileged classes place on the backs of the exploited; liberation movements aimed at overthrowing neo-colonial regimes — these are the usual factors in unleashing this kind of explosion. Conscious action does the rest. A complete education for social labor has not yet taken place in these countries, and wealth is far from being within the reach of the masses through the simple process of appropriation…. Meanwhile, the economic foundation that has been laid has done its work of undermining the development of consciousness. To build communism it is necessary, simultaneous with the new material foundations, to build the new man and woman.
That is why it is very important to choose the right instrument for mobilizing the masses. Basically, this instrument must be moral in character, without neglecting, however, a correct use of the material incentive — especially of a social character. As I have already said, in moments of great peril it is easy to muster a powerful response with moral incentives. Retaining their effectiveness, however, requires the development of a consciousness in which there is a new scale of values. Society as a whole must be converted into a gigantic school…
In our case, direct education acquires a much greater importance. The explanation is convincing because it is true; no subterfuge is needed. It is carried on by the state's educational apparatus as a function of general, technical and ideological education through such agencies as the Ministry of Education and the party's informational apparatus. Education takes hold among the masses and the foreseen new attitude tends to become a habit. The masses continue to make it their own and to influence those who have not yet educated themselves. This is the indirect form of educating the masses, as powerful as the other, structured, one. In this period of the building of socialism we can see the new man and woman being born. The image is not yet completely finished — it never will be, since the process goes forward hand in hand with the development of new economic forms….
They no longer travel completely alone over lost roads toward distant aspirations. They follow their vanguard, consisting of the party, the advanced workers, the advanced individuals who walk in unity with the masses and in close communion with them. The vanguard has its eyes fixed on the future and its reward, but this is not a vision of reward for the individual. The prize is the new society in which individuals will have different characteristics: the society of communist human beings…
Revolutionaries will come who will sing the song of the new man and woman in the true voice of the people. This is a process that takes time. In our society the youth and the party play a big part. The former is especially important because it is the malleable clay from which the new person can be built with none of the old defects. The youth are treated in accordance with our aspirations. Their education is every day more complete, and we do not neglect their incorporation into work from the outset. Our scholarship students do physical work during their vacations or along with their studies. Work is a reward in some cases, a means of education in others, but it is never a punishment. A new generation is being born. The party is a vanguard organization. It is made up of the best workers, who are proposed for membership by their fellow workers. It is a minority, but it has great authority because of the quality of its cadres. Our aspiration is for the party to become a mass party, but only when the masses have reached the level of the vanguard, that is, when they are educated for communism. Our work constantly strives toward this education. The party is the living example; its cadres must teach hard work and sacrifice. By their action, they must lead the masses to the completion of the revolutionary task, which involves years of hard struggle against the difficulties of construction, class enemies, the maladies of the past, imperialism.” — Che, Socialism and Man in Cuba (1965)
Let me tell you a story about a boy named Gerardo. Gerardo was born in Southern Colorado to a family of farmers in 1970. As the second born son, the family decided to prepare him for college rather than farming, and he went on to receive a full primary education. When it came time for him to go to college there were very few colleges in the area so he went to Colorado University. At CU Gerardo heard from other students from nearby towns that an ethnic studies course about his people was being offered. Hearing good things about it Gerardo signed up for the next Chicano studies class. Coming back from university Gerardo seemed to be altogether a different man, he would rant about anglos and oppression, he identified with traditions the family was completely unfamiliar with, he talked about how the family had a duty to resist the political apparatus, finding mixed acceptance at home and in search of better economic opportunities he settled in the city. Eventually, Gerardo comes to settle down and have kids, Gerardo teaches his kids these traditions foreign to his family and tells them all about the historical pains of his people, he makes sure they identify with peoples and events that are unfamiliar to them. Gerardo even encourages their political activism and wants them to get involved in the community whether it be the highly valued Hispano art or some other aspect of life. Gerardo goes on to teach a whole new generation about this forbidden and forgotten history that the oppressors had silently and secretly taken from them.
Now, Gerardo is not a real person. He is, in the sense that I have met perhaps a hundred or even hundreds of him throughout my life, but the character is not real.
When I have spoken with communal and familial elders, those who came before Gerardo’s generation, they often ask me, how did the culture and tradition get lost and when did it get perverted into something else; I usually have to tell them it was with their own children. It’s very common for Hispano children to move off to cities for economic opportunity and from the 1960s-2010s with college becoming more available, most started going off to college. A Major feature of colleges in the Hispanic community has become that of Chicano Studies. Chicano Studies was introduced by the Chicano movement in the 1970s in a document called El Plan de Santa Barbara. The Plan standardized the forms, methodology and aims of Chicano Studies education and it can be argued, even laid the groundwork for DEI by introducing mandatory race quotas into classrooms even if unofficially.
As an introduction to the plan I will start from the beginning. Unlike the other plans covered so far, the Plan de Santa Barbara is a hundred-and-something pages long, so I will be choosing choice excerpts rather than quoting the full document which is cited below:
“The institutionalization of Chicano programs is the realization of Chicano power on campus. The key to this power is found in the application of the principles of self-determination land self-liberation. These principles are defined and practiced in the areas of control, autonomy, flexibility, and participation. Often imaginary or symbolic authority is confused with the real. Many times token efforts in program institutionalization are substituted for enduring constructive programming. It is the responsibility of Chicanos on campus to insure dominant influence of these programs. The point is not to have a college with a program, but rather a Chicano program at that college. If Chicanos do not exert dominant influence over the program, better no program at all. For without the requisite control, Chicano participation provides an ersatz legitimization for the continuance of the pattern of dominant-subordinate relations that characterizes Chicano colonial status within the larger society….But old patterns may persist, the anglo may move to deny and limit Chicanos, and there will be ‘Mexican-Americans’ to serve him. Chicano faculty and administrators and even student groups, same as politicians, can function as ‘tio tacos’, the storemanagers, radio announcers, police officers, ad nauseum.”
“The premises for Chicano programs are: that the colleges/universities must be a major instrument in the liberation of the Chicano community; colleges/universities have a three fold responsibility: education, research, and public service to the Chicano community; only by comprehensive programs instituted and implemented by Chicanos, for Chicanos that focus on the needs and goals of the community will the larger purposes of the academic institutions and the interests of the Chicano community be served. These premises are in turn local particularizations of a wider system of values beliefs, ideas, organizational modes, and commitments to which the Chicano is dedicated. One of these that has a direct bearing on Chicano-University relations is that the concept of “community” is all inclusive”
“In higher education, the thrust is directed toward the creation of parallel institutions that are controlled by Chicanos serving the interests of the community.”
“Before moving overtly, the Chicano must assess the situation; he must be organized and committed, otherwise, co-optation and tokenism will result, The Chicano cannot depend on the good will and false promises of others. He must recognize that he will secure his rights only to the extent that he is strong. ”
“As pledge of the commitment in higher education a tangible first step is the designation of these programs ‘as Chicano or La Raza, in their descriptive titles. These are self denoting, affirmative and positive from the perspective of the Chicano people. These terms, Chicano--La Raza inherently embody the national and universal philosophical and ideological values and principles which Chicanos affirm as a people and that the programs are charged with fulfilling”
Starting off with strong statements about the Chicano power movement the Plan de Santa Barbara intends to subvert academia through the institutionalization of Chicanismo which can only be brought about by a total subversion of the preexistent institutions. The only way a total subversion can occur is by taking an uncooperative approach to the institution and by removing all perceived enemies of la raza and race traitors from the program. The intent of the Chicano Studies programs are to create a parallel institution to the actual institution one which becomes a revolutionary anchor and base for la raza. Since the plan is an attempt at institutionalizing the revolution and ideology there must be strict enforcement of the revolutionary principles meaning that the teachers must be strict ideologues and that the Chicano programs must be solely dedicated to dogmatic understandings of Chicanismo.
“The programs at the different phases must have the maximum autonomy feasible within the context of the institution. This applies to both operating procedures as well as structure, and also to traditional guidelines and conventions of the institution. For the programs to be effective, independence and wide latitude of operation must be assured from inception. New programs can not be hampered by old restrictions developed for different interests and needs. Often, as rational for denial of legitimate demands, regulatory and legal limitations are invoked. Often the only answer to this is pressure, until it is clear that for the sake of larger interests existing regulations should be changed. In addition to pressure, more politic means for bridging existing prohibitions can be devised. Once the Chicano programs become operational and their viability- and attractiveness apparent, it is likely that other sectors of the college or university will endeavor to co-opt and restrict them to protect their own interests and maximize their area of operation. The Chicano programs must be as free and independent of all existing programs as possible. Structure: The administrative unit under which the Chicano program operates should be the largest subunit within the institution, which facilitates most the desired control and autonomy. The structural label is not important, i.e., college, center, dept., etc. What is important is the freedom. Lines of communication must be direct to the highest executive officer or body of the campus, and independent of existing structural hierarchy. In time, a top level general administrative position must be secured. If a designation or structural concept that suits the need doesn’t exist, invent one.”
“Staff for the programs must meet four qualifications: knowledge and expertise in the area of concern: experience in the field: sensitivity as a person: and a firm proven commitment to the goals of the programs and the welfare of the community. Delegated, specific, administrative responsibility is best vested in those who have an over all conceptual grasp of the programs and its goals. Any effort is dependent on the quality of the individuals involved. Unfortunately some programs are already being subverted by individuals whose commitment to La Raza is questionable. Keep the “tios” and the reactionaries[conservatives] out”
As a means of keeping programs clear of conservative influence the Plan de Santa Barbara lays the philosophical groundwork for what will later come to be known as Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion Programming. While there are other more clear ties to the origins of DEI as an educational and institutional tool first implemented and practiced on the people of the Southwest the Plan de Santa Barbara sets up clear cut racial distinctions in hiring practices, and introduces the idea that any attempt to control such programs are inherently racist. Here, the Plan seeks to obfuscate the reality of what the revolutionaries are doing by using the DEI as a tool.
“There are several external factors that effect Chicano programs which should be considered. Obviously the general political climate within the state is worsening. Reactionary attitudes held by politicians will affect the context of innovative programs especially those whose mission is social and educational and whose focus are the disenfranchised ethnic minorities. To compound the problem the institutions through which the Chicanos are trying to work are, per se, the current political scapegoat. In the area of public attitudes there are several other factors influencing programs. Though the colleges and universities believe themselves to be progressive, often the opposite is true. They share and harbor the more reprehensible idiosyncrasies of the general society. College and university personnel can be racist and reactionary and so can sectors of the student body, They will refuse to accept the legitimacy of needs and corresponding programs that are not orthodox; further, consciously or unconsciously they will endeavor to prevent and subvert them. One target where hostility can focus most damaging is funding. Academic validity is another point of attack; often the question of standards, criteria, etc., merely cloaks racist attitudes and assumptions. Another focus of attack is the socializing aspects of the programs; by exaggerating their political content, critics can undercut their public support”
In conclusion the following resolutions are adopted to solve the problem of conservative opposition: “
4. Priority in hiring for program positions be given to graduates of Chicano student groups and those Chicanos who have a record of community service.
5. The possible recruitment of Mexican Nationals for faculty positions to fill special temporary needs, provided they have the necessary orientation and commitment.
6. Chicano departments, centers, colleges, etc., as they become operational mutually support each other by the sharing of resources and the development of joint programs”
“10. That Chicano authored or sponsored publications be given preference as course materials. That Chicanos publish through Chicano journals. That Chicano publishing-houses be established
11. That Chicano students, faculty, staff organize a united statewide association for the advancement of La Causa in the colleges and universities.”
and in a second set of resolutions for the same subject:
“1. The number of Chicano students who qualify for admission shall determine the funds that must be procured by the institution in providing adequate support programs academic and non-academic. It is totally unacceptable that funds continue to determine the number of Chicano students to be enrolled.
2. Chicano faculty, staff, and employees must be recruited for positions in all areas--and at every level--of the university and college structure. Obstructive criteria must not limit Chicano access to these positions.
3. Institutions must immediately accept and establish the principle of proportional representation for Chicanos-- students, faculty, staff,” and employees--in all areas and all levels of higher education.
4.For recruitment of Chicanos to be effective, committees--made up of Chicano students, administrators, employees, faculty, and community people--must be established with the responsibility for recruiting Chicano students and for screening Chicano candidates for campus positions. Institutions’ of higher education must accept fundamental responsibility for recruiting Chicanos who will enroll as students or work as faculty, staff, or employees. Given the traditional and systemic indifference, even hostility, of higher education to Chicanos, institutions must never assume that Chicanos must first seek them out.”
“In the area of student recruitment, the present relationship between recruitment and admissions is highly unsatisfactory. Colleges and universities are using “standard” admissions criteria--grade point average, Scholastic Aptitude Test scores, etc .--to evaluate the college potential of Chicano students. Evidence shows clearly that these criteria are culturally biased and thus they are not reliable indicators of college success for Chicanos. Culturally relevant tests and indicators must be used in identifying the college potential of Chicano students…
Most importantly, institutions of higher learning must recognize that the assessment of a Chicano’s college potential depends, in the end, on a subjective interpretation of his motivation, ability and background. Only people that relate to and understand the background of the Chicano student can satisfactorily make such a subjective interpretation; hence Chicanos must make the final decision on student admissions”
Having established the means of creating a Chicano Studies program and its self-identity the plan seeks to lay out the aims of the program, mainly that of serving the revolution by educating the new man.
“Traditionally, the goals of higher education have been directed to meet the demands of the ruling strata of society by training the specialized manpower required for the operation of their demands. The equivalent practice today is found in training students in higher education to serve corporate industry and public agencies: the two major economic entities of society. The socialization and indoctrination of these “students” to conform to this function and accept this limited range of alternatives is a corollary role of higher education today. Once properly trained, these students serve as agents of the controlling powers and in turn serve to perpetuate this process. Hence the defense scientists, college faculties, journalists, etc., have supplanted the scribes and priests of ancient civilizations, This is essentially the function of institutions of higher learning today. Therefore all attempts to project Chicanos into the mainstream of higher education as it exists today are equivalent to enslaving La Raza to the controlling powers of this society.”
“A Chicano studies curriculum organizes the chicano experience, past and present in accordance with established cultural categories. The unity of chicano being is based on a large part, on the chicano heritage or la herencia del Chicano. La herencia Chicana, as it contributes to the shaping of an individual Chicano’s personality though the living, or experiencing, of Chicano Culture produces dialectically a sense of community. Thus in the teaching of Chicano Studies, formal study is designed to influence the student’s personal experience, or identity and by so doing reveal to him, either by showing him or eliciting from him the diverse aspects of his self and of his community. Chicano studies should produce amongst other things, new understanding of one’s self, of one’s people and of one’s cultural traditions.
It follows that Chicano Studies are not only academic discourses, delimited to a purely abstract or rationalistic experience, but rather they encompass much more. Chicano Studies seek to socialize the Chicano student by providing him with the intellectual tools necessary for him to deal with the reality of his experience. The critical dialectics of Chicano Studies are the individual and culture Which produces identity and new culture; the individual and community which produces social action and change. Chicano Studies mean, in the final analysis, the rediscovery and the reconquest of the self and of the community by Chicanos.”
As is explicitly laid out in the above quote, the goal of Chicano Studies education is to use the material dialectic as an analysis tool to determine and “rediscover” what the particular persons identity is in the face of the established cultural categories. Chicano studies is the culmination point of Marxist education and theory in the Chicano movement. The Plan de Santa Barbara states that the purpose of the Marxist tactics which we’ve seen continuously used by this ideological lineage, is to influence the student’s personal experience without abstraction. However, the only tools given to the students are abstract meaning that when the analysis is practiced and lived it creates cognitive dissonance between the actuality of the person, their experience and heritage and the intellectual understandings of those things as well as the ideological understanding of those things. This leads to the various forms of psuedomorphosis that consume the Latino mind in modernity, that being the Chicano or left-wing alteration of identity and the alternative right wing identity which can effectively be labeled “Groyperism”.
Once a Latino has encountered the ideology of what they’re being brainwashed with they may intuitively understand the perverseness or strangeness of the fake identity and false institutions which are trying to reign over them. As a result, young Latinos who have intuited the initial psuedomorphosis reject the left-wing ideology, but having already been subconsciously taught the material dialectic they then construct themselves a new position in the contradiction, thus constructing a new psuedomorphosis, which is usually some form of reactionary accelerationism to be used as an anti-thesis. The Groyper movement and Nick Fuentes are a key example of this phenomenon, hence the term for the right-wing form of the dialectic being Groyperism. Both the left wing and right wing positions are devoid of the actualities of what comprise personal identities such as the authentic traditions and recognition of actual heredity and are instead products of the marxist analysis of what those identities are. This is why for example, such concepts as Castizo identity and rad-trad Catholicism seem to be an infectious obsession in contemporary discussions both online and in the real world. Often many of the most ardent Castizos are the most non-castizo not only in appearance but in actuality, and when questioned on their surnames or family traditions they dodge the discussion entirely or out themselves as not being Castizo at all, yet the radical racial pride of the false identity is necessary to prop up their allegiance to the psuedomorphosis. The same goes for rad-trad Catholics who somehow end up worshipping in the Byzantine Catholic Autocephalous Church or become some variation of Eastern Orthodox or some other religious tradition that is foreign to their history simply because it appears “based”. These various forms of religious seeking are just means to find an anchor where the psuedomorphosed identity can put itself rather than continuing the endless dialectical battle which if continued indefinitely will lead to self obliteration. This can be said of many other various projections onto cultural identities from food trends to art trends, the list is as equally long as there are material objects in the world. Regardless, the end point of any practice of any person, left wing or right wing, who has encountered the brainwashing tactics used above always ends in cognitive dissonance, regardless of the intent of the particular brainwasher(“educator”).
Returning to the particular use of the left wing dialectic in the Plan de Santa Barbara the cognitive dissonance stems from the fact that the Chicano identity as a whole is specifically formulated one and not a genuine article, it is a Communist new man designed to organize and orient revolutionary unity rather than actually serve the people as they are, as we have already covered. This leads to the ever increasing radicalization of the Chicano identity as it serves to constantly capture and recapitulate more and more varieties of identity that it can associate with and fit into the contradictions which the material dialectic is trying to solve. This is the purpose of La Raza Cosmica. As a result, the left-wing product of the psuedo-morphosis is both expansionist/imperialist and cannibalistic. Expansionist in that it must subsume as many and as much identity(s) as possible and cannibalistic because in order to do such it must not only continuously reinterpret itself but also destroy itself and the natural identities it is preying upon. The product of the process which I have just mentioned is precisely the psuedo-morphosis that we see in Yo Soy Joaqin and throughout the entirety of this ideological lineage.
Regardless of the products of the brainwashing process and how or why it happens the above quote is a clear adoption and avowal of Marxist dialectics to be used as a brainwashing process in Chicano studies programs. I call this process brainwashing because few people who specialize in brainwashing would ever outright publicly admit what they are doing and the use of education programs to create false revolutionary identities is nothing more than brainwashing. Speaking of, we have now reached what the contents of the Chicano Studies Courses.
“The lower division curricula is the crucial area for all the colleges. This because of multiples reasons. One, the obvious, is the part of the curriculum that the largest number of students will come into contact. It will have an impact on a larger number of anglo students. especially if as it is recommended, Chicano Studies courses fulfill general education requirements. Most importantly, the lower division courses will be among the first taken by Chicano students, and this fact must he given special consideration. The Chicano Studies lower division divides into two subdivisions: culture and communications.
1. Chicano culture
2. Mexican heritage
3. anglo heritage”
The introduction of the Course material starts with making multiple key distinctions that are key to understanding the worldview. In the mind of the propogandists and ideologues there is only Chicano Culture, Mexican Heritage and Anglo Heritage. The territorial identities of the regions that were functionally abandoned by Mexico such as Texas, New Mexico and California are nowhere mentioned seeing as these people are in the Chicano and revolutionary worldview subsumed under the identity of Mexican and not Tejano, Hispano or Californio. Such a distinction is important because the culture, heritage, ethnic lineage and identities of the people in this region are different than that of the Mexican identity and the refusal to acknowledge these regions comes from three places; that of Mexican irredentism which we’ve seen as a continuous theme stemming out of the Mexican Revolution, Anti-Spanish and Anti-Anglo insecurity. Since the subject of Mexican imperialism and irredentism has been extensively covered as it relates to the ideological lineage and since such a topic requires it’s own essay to cover properly I will refer to the other two items I listed, Anti-Spanish and Anti-Anglo insecurity. Mexican identity is very insecure about both Spanish identity and Anglo presence. Mexicans see the Anglo and thus the United States as a sort of eternal nemesis, this comes as a product of the Mexican-American war which Mexico lost. Mexico had imperial ambitions that were squashed by the United States and when the US began to engage in more Latin American trade through the Gulf of Mexico and across the frontier the Mexican conscious was awakened to the threat of industrialized Dutch-Anglo capitalist systems. Seeing the immediate inadequacies of the industrializing variant of the encomienda system that Mexico had developed, Mexicans than began to propagandize Americans as the gluttonous and greedy slave masters who are really behind all the abuse that the encomienda system thrived on. Because of this history the Mexican consciousness has developed an anti-Anglo impulse where Mexican identity and history must be told in opposition to the Anglo so that legitimacy and face can be maintained. Similarly, anti-Spanish sentiment is part of Mexican irredentism in the sense that while Mexicans often larp as proud Spaniards, they must also disavow Spain to maintain their independence and maintain their claim to being the true inheritor of the Spanish Empire. It’s for this same reason that Spanish identity amongst the ruling Mexican elite is often lauded or at least commands respect, whereas for any other region—especially those regions which have a separate identity and culture than that of Mexicans—the Spanish cultural and ethnic identities must be mentally and physically squashed, since they present a more immediate threat to Mexico’s claim as the inheritor of the Spanish Empire. Thus, Chicanismo, as a product Mexican Marxist irredentism which idealizes a return of Aztlan to Mexico, cannot ever recognize the individuality of any of those identities which may lay claim to being an inheritor of the Aztec, Mexican or Spanish Empires, and it most certainly cannot admit that Athabaskans or Puebloans were large independent people groups free from Aztec imperialism, to admit such would be to deny the existence of Aztlan.
To put it succinctly, the reason only three distinctions(Mexican Heritage, Anglo Heritage, Chicano Culture) are permitted in the mind of the Chicanisto and in Chicano Studies is to obfuscate the history and real identities of the people groups in the region and that Chicanismo seeks to subsume. If the real history and traditions which includes the distinctions between the various Indigenous Tribes, Anglos, Spanish and their various forms of unity was taught with honesty then the Chicano Studies programs would collapse as would the agendas it seeks to serve because Chicano and Aztlan and Mexican irredentism are incompatible with genuine nativism.
Since the genuine cultures and history of the region are a cause of offence to Mexican Imperialistic desires as well as Communist and Decolonial narratives, they can simply not be acknowledged by the course material if the brainwashing of people in the Southwest is to work; this theme continues throughout the curriculum. As Che stated in his above quote, this narrative education must serve the new man and the Revolution. Below are a selection of classes and their contents:
“Introduction to the culture and civilization of the Mexican American: First semester: history; Mexican and U.S. roots; the new identity. Second semester: contemporary problems; social and political movements”
“Mexican American in Transition (3) Modern Chicano social problems recognizing the sociological factors involved. Emphasis on scientific method of approach. Evaluation of various causes and solutions of problems of the Chicano.”
“Introduction to Politics and Government (3-3) (Special emphasis on Chicano in politics and government) First semester: Community political structure. Second semester: Introduction to American Government-- Special emphasis on role of ethnic minorities.”
“History of Racism (3) Survey and analysis of majority group racism and its effects upon minority ethnic groups and society.”
“History of the U.S. (3-3 (Special emphasis on Spanish and Mexican influences. ) First semester: U.S. expansion to 1848. Second semester: 1848 to present. Detailed study of Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo; history of Mexican immigration; farm labor and urban Chicano history; contemporary movements.” (notice once again that history of the region for this narrative begins only at The Mexican-American war and that everything so far is exclusionary to New Mexican identity groups)
“Introduction to Chicano Culture(S) The individual Chicano and his cultural pattern: The acquisition of his culture, innovation and invention, direction of his cultural development, diffusion and interpenetion of Mexican and U.S. cultures.”
“Immigration Law and Practices (3)’ Legal and political status of the immigrant from Mexico; process of immigration; counseling the immigrant”
“The Mexican American: Psychological and and Cultural Influences (3) Emphasis on psychological and cultural influences to familiarize future counselors and teachers with the Chicano. Designed to identify and consider areas which will begin to sensitize the counselor-teacher in classroom and counseling setting.
The Chicano and the Schools (3) The Chicano child from pre-school through high school with emphasis on social, intellectual, and emotional growth and development. Observation and study of children in the San, Diego schools.”
Below is an example template of a trial Chicano History class, notice that the class only begins at the Mexican-American war and that the various Hispanic People’s of the Southwest are only taught to consider themselves in relation to the Anglos and the Mexicans and to understand their self identity as Mexican, which is a repetition of the aforementioned pattern. The class seems to both teach that Mexicans are immigrants and also the Hispanic people of different cultural identity that have been Americanized which is a contradiction of its own terms. The last thing I will mention about this particular course content is that the revolutionary and communist agenda are very apparent in sections VII and VIII which mention the very ideological lineages I have pointed out in this article.
Another class, Contemporary Politics of the Southwest is an education in creating revolutionary institutions.
All together these classes are creating an identity, telling someone that they must associate with that identity, telling them what the identity means and should look like and then telling them how to become political radicals to serve the identity group.
The planned praxis of political action and institutionalization of the Chicano movement are also layed out in the Plan de Santa Barbara but before actions can be taken the plan states that first the students must have their political consciousness awakened.
“As Political consciousness increased there occurred simultaneously a renewed cultural awareness which along with social and economic factors led to the proliferation of Chicano youth organizations. By the mid 1960’s, MASC, MAYA, UMAS, La Vida Nueva, and MECHA appeared on campus while the Brown Berets, Black Berets, ALMA and La Junta organized in the barrios and colonias. These groups differed from one another depending on local conditions, and their varying states of political development. Despite differences in name and organizational experience, a basic unity evolved.
These groups have had a significant impact on the awareness of large numbers of people, both Chicano and non-Chicano. Within the communities, some public agency have been sensitized and others have been exposed. On campuses, articulation of demands and related political actions have dramatized NUESTRA CAUSA. Concrete results are visible in both the increased number of Chicano students on campuses and the establishment of corresponding supportive services. The institutionalization of Chicano Studies marks the present stage of activity, the next stage will involve the strategic application of university and college resources to the community. One immediate result will be the elimination of the artificial distinctions which exist between the students and the community. Rather than being its victims, the community will benefit from the resources of the institutions of higher learning.”
“Political Consciousness:
Commitment to the struggle for Chicano liberation is the operative definition of the ideology used here. Chicanismo involves a crucial distinction in political consciousness between a Mexican-American and a Chicano mentality. The Mexican American is a person who lacks respect for his cultural and ethnic heritage. Unsure of himself, he seeks assimilation as a way out of his “degraded” social status. Consequently, he remains politically ineffective. In contrast Chicanismo reflects self-respect and pride in one’s ethnic and cultural background, Thus the Chicano acts with confidence and with a range of alternatives in the political world. He is capable of developing an effective ideology through action. Mexican Americans must be viewed as potential Chicano. Chicanismo is flexible enough to relate to the varying levels of consciousness within La Raza. Regional variations must always be kept in mind as well as the different levels of development, composition, maturity, achievement, and experience in political action. Cultural nationalism is a means of total Chicano liberation. There are definite advantages to cultural nationalism but also inherent limitations. A Chicano ideology, especially as it involves cultural nationalism, should be positively phased in the form of propositions to the Movement. Chicanismo is a concept that integrates self-awareness with cultural identity, a necessary step in developing political consciousness. As such, it serves as a basis for political action, flexible enough to include the possibility of coalitions. The ‘related concept of La Raza provides an internationalist scope to Chicanismo and La Raza Cosmica furnishes a philosophical precedent. Within this framework, the Third World Concept merits consideration.”
One of the main reasons La Plan de Santa Barbara is important to this lineage is because the mask slips in it. In section of political consciousness proper the document and Chicanistos outright admit that the Chicano identity is different than that of genuine Mexican-Americans and is an instrument for political use. While making blatantly contradictory statements like, “Chicanismo reflects self-respect and pride in one’s ethnic and cultural background” which openly contradicts “regional variations must be kept in mind as well…” either there is one united Chicano ethnic and cultural background or there is not, otherwise the Chicanisto is demanding loyalty and subservience to an identity that many Latinos and Indigenous persons do not identify with while outright disrespecting all of the identities that it claims comprises the constructed identity of Chicano. Rather than nitpicking the inadequacies and contradictions, it is blatantly clear that this section of the Plan admits that Chicano and La Raza are a constructed identity based in a Marxist conceptualization of materialist cultural nationalism. The reason behind the creation and education(brainwashing) of this people group is to develop revolutionary foot soldiers:
“Political mobilization is directly dependent on political consciousness. As political consciousness develops, the potential for political action increases. The Chicano student organization in institutions of higher learning is central to all effective political mobilization. Effective mobilization presupposes precise definition of political goals and of the tactical interrelationships of roles. Political goals in any given situation must encompass the totality of Chicano interests in higher education. The differentiation of roles required by a given situation must be defined on the basis of mutual accountability and equal sharing of responsibility. Furthermore, the mobilization of community support not only legitimizes the activities of Chicano student organizations but also maximizes political power. The principle of solidarity is axiomatic in all aspects of political action. Since the movement is definitely of national significance and scope, all student organizations should adopt one identical name throughout the state and eventually the nation to characterize the common struggle of La Raza de Aztlan. The net gain is a step toward greater national unity which enhances the power in mobilizing local campuses organizations. When advantageous, political coalitions and alliances with non-Chicano groups may be considered. A careful analysis must precede the decision to enter into a coalition. One significant factor is the community’s attitude towards coalitions. Another factor is the formulation of a mechanism for the distribution of power that insures maximum participation in decision making: i.e., formulation of demands and planning of tactics. When no longer’ politically advantageous, Chicano participation in coalition ends.”
“National” solidarity behind the cause of Chicanismo is demanded similarly to how it has been in all the earlier plans that Chicanos may institutionalize and effect the revolution at every level of society and thus gain political power to break away. Similarly to the Plan de San Diego the creation of this political power structure may require allying with other organizations, peoples and revolutionaries to achieve this ends. This I believe is actually a form of intersectionality two decades before the term was coined. Regardless of what we call it, El Plan de Santa Barbara is a plan to create a Chicanismo political apparatus through the brainwashing of various groups of minority children so they can serve the Anarcho-Syndicalist Revolutionary Mexican Empire that people like Ricardo Flores Magón dreamed of. Dreams that were not his own or that of his people but that were imported from Russia, France and Spain which have since been used and coopted by the American left wing elites through their NGOs and Patronage networks and which was historically coopted by the American Communist and Anarchist movements of the early 20th century, who infused it with their own variation of race-Manicheanism; All of this to create a Marxist Utopian Atlantis in the American West. All without regard to the actual persons, cultures and societies that this Revolutionary movement seeks to use as expendable foot soldiers. The National and Cultural myths here are just that, they’re myths used to put a sparkle in the eye of the uneducated so they can march off and die for a cause that originates elsewhere and wants nothing to do with them. This is what I mean when I have used the term Marxist Lebensraum. The universal tactic for the total subversion of the Southwest goes something like this, Co-opt a people and their culture, disguise the people and culture, integrate this into the revolutionary system, use it to serve the revolution, destroy it in the process, discard it, and obfuscate the history and intents. So far, I have only covered the history as it related to the identity of Hispanos in New Mexico because that’s where I am most well read and have the most personal interest and experience but when we understand that this has happened amongst the Indigenous communities and that Americans have had various movements of their own and when we look at the origins of the philosophy and how it came to America and if we look into how the contemporary political patronage systems came to exist, it becomes exceedingly clear that the Southwest has been turned into a petty Kingdom for leftist political experimentation. The People of this region, Hispanos and their ethnic varieties, Indios and their ethnic varieties, even the Anglo and German settlers, have all been sacrificed on an altar by the Faustian post-modern society which rules over it. We have been put into ideological chains and bled for a cause that is not ours. Many of the people of AridoAmerica have gone along with this metaphysical imprisonment simply because we just want our lands back. Yet it seems as though few have thought for to stop and look around and what we are living, fighting and dying for. Read what the activists and politicians have put out, look into their history, figure out why they do what they do, analyze the power structure that exists. It all speaks to the fact that the region has become a political stage for twisted individuals with ideological agendas that seek either our absolute and unfailing dedication towards themselves and their revolution or else want use destroyed. As I said earlier, it is no coincidence that the Southwest is the region which first legalized drugs and which was the first to open up no limit abortions and leads the US in them. It is a Brave New World.
The Southwest is a Kingdom; it always has been and always will be. It was first established by Juan de Oñate as El Reino de Nuevo Mexico and before that, it was home to the town-fortresses of the Pueblos. As American Governance continues to fail its people and as the Country continues to regionalize, New Mexico will remain the Kingdom it always was. The question for regions future is “who will it serve?” Will the land of the Sangre de Cristos serve two masters? or will the people finally assert themselves over the psuedo-morphosis and foreign ideology that has ransacked them? My forefathers made many grand promises to the Puebloans, many were on the timescale of centuries and sadly could not be kept as the Empire collapsed right under our feet. I would like to keep those promises and I know I am not alone in that. Should we abandon these promises at the collapse of another? Will dancing on each others’ graves bring us any closer to that which we share and desire? Whichever way New Mexico and AridoAmerica chooses to answer these questions, it will change the future of the Americas and perhaps the whole world, forever.
I recognize that this psuedo-morphosis is happening amongst other people groups as well and I encourage and hope that others would speak up about it. I am not Indigenous nor am I well educated on the particularities of how indigenous movements and culture has been subverted. The same goes for all other New Mexicans and Hispanos, we must speak up and talk about this. La Entrada is banned now, San Juan de Los Caballeros is no longer, our ancestors have been removed from most official seals and stamps, our schools, governments and towns have been renamed, our murals and statues defaced and destroyed, how much longer until they come for Chimayo or find a way to desecrate things like the alabados, the sacred core of our ancient dialect? To them we are only worth our value as a cultural fetish item, the santos, palmas, retablos whatever artistic thing we make that’s all we are to them and nowadays the art markets are full of blasphemous versions of these made by leftist-educated artists who are mocking Christ and mocking our culture. All of us that are from the Southwest know that something is wrong. We all feel it. When you bring it up in conversation, nobody ever knows exactly what it is, but it is there. The reason why nobody knows what’s going on is because unless you’re a part of it you’re not supposed to figure it out. It’s deliberate. Something amongst our culture has changed and gone wrong but because there’s a stranglehold on the institutions in the region and over nearly all aspects of daily life; it’s right there in front of our face, but understanding what “it” is; is not immediately obvious. We must remain true to ourselves and our shared history in the face of this illegitimate kingdom. During my research and speaking to people on the ground and online myself and others have found that there are many in the younger generation of AridoAmericans who intuitively know that something is wrong and are serving causes that they know nothing about simply because they know that something is wrong and want to fix it. Sometimes those causes are left wing or right wing or even part of the psuedo-morphosis, many are getting lost in the confusion but at least things are getting done and people are waking up. Rather than loosing ourselves we wish to unite around the truth. That’s what the term AridoAmerica means. Myself and others have begun to use the term to describe the ethnicities and distinct culture of the American Southwest. For those familiar with political philosophy, New Mexico is the Nation-State, AridoAmerica is the Civilization. The AridoAmerica Project as it currently stands, is not an official organization but a decentralized grassroots movement, it is the voice of the youth taking a stand for their culture and their people as they genuinely are, not as some people subservient to a Communist Bureaucratic class, nor under Expansionist Capitalists but as the Communitarian Confederacy of Peoples that it has always been. The South West has become an invisible prison experiment and we will not suffer the corruption, destruction, and obliteration of our land and peoples. The time is short and much work needs to be done to prevent things from getting more out of hand which is why those of us native to the region and who would consider ourselves AridoAmericans must make our voices heard amongst our community. We all see what’s wrong, alone we don’t have the means to fix these issues but standing together we do.
I attempted to do herald everything I said here years ago when leaving “Groyperism” and right-wing accelerationism. Through my experiences I had caught onto the political game being played, having seen what both ends of the psuedo-morphosis were. I found the “Groyperist” right to be a less than worthless movement incapable of solving problems or enacting lasting change, full of as many cultural and ideological perversions and lies as the left. At the time my presence in those movements was only insofar as I was hopeless about the very issues I have brought up here. Alone I found myself in a desert, my people deceived into walking off the cliff, myself dying abandoned for lashing out in retaliation. Now it has been nearly 6 years and I am not alone, I survived by God’s grace and have found my way home. In my absence from politics and community involvement a new group of people has sprung up with the same concerns, who see the same thing and most importantly, people who care and who desire developing something real out of the abandoned society we inhabit. The future for the people of the American Southwest and for our culture is happening now and like the people in the folk legends of Mesa Verde it will happen with or without us.
I wrote this article not primarily as a political declaration but to explain the ideology and context of the Immigration Riots in LA(which I have not shared my opinion on so don’t read anything into me) and new wave of protests and the psuedomorphosis being imposed on Hispanos and New Mexico. I hope to cover some more related subjects in the future such as the exploitation that is the regional art markets and their ideological and criminal ties that have contributed to the perversion of regional culture and cultural traditions on top of getting deep into the history of the communes which have sought to subvert the region. Much of the history is disappearing into history books that have a bad habit of rewriting the actual events and our elders are passing away one by one so I would like to cover things before time is too late. God bless us and give us perseverance.
Sources:
“Deputy Constable Pablo Falcon.” The Officer Down Memorial Page (ODMP), 21 Nov. 2023, www.odmp.org/officer/23950-deputy-constable-pablo-falcon.
“Excerpts from the Classics: Dialectical Materialism.” Communist Party USA, 29 Apr. 2016, www.cpusa.org/party_info/excerpts-from-the-classics-dialectical-materialism/.
Cova, Antonio de la. “Yo Soy Joaqin.” I Am Joaquin, 2018, www.latinamericanstudies.org/latinos/joaquin.htm.
Elflein, John. “States with the Highest Abortion Rates U.S. 2022.” Statista, 4 Dec. 2024, www.statista.com/statistics/660661/abortion-rate-united-states-by-state.
Huxley, Aldous. Brave New World, Aldous Huxley. Spark Publishing, 2014.
Jenkins, Myra Ellen. “Ricardo Flores Magón and the Mexican Liberal Party.” UNM Digital Repository, 2018, digitalrepository.unm.edu/hist_etds/234/?utm_source=digitalrepository.unm.edu%2Fhist_etds%2F234&utm_medium=PDF&utm_campaign=PDFCoverPages.
Lauterborn, David. “Bloodshed in ‘Magic Valley.’” HistoryNet, 25 July 2018, www.historynet.com/bloodshed-magic-valley/.
Martínez, Elizabeth Sutherland. 500 Anos Del Pueblo Chicano = 500 Years of Chicano History in Pictures. SouthWest Organizing Project, 2001.
Texas, University. “John R. Peavey Collection.” Scholarworks, 2025, scholarworks.utrgv.edu/johnrpeavey/index.2.html.
An Excerpt from A Brave New World:
For context, John the Savage is a naturally born genetically unaltered person from the “New Mexico Savage Reservation”, The character Linda, is his mother.
“The Savage,” wrote Bernard in his report to Mustapha Mond, “shows surprisingly little astonishment at, or awe of, civilized inventions. This is partly due, no doubt, to the fact that he has heard them talked about by the woman Linda, his m—.” (Mustapha Mond frowned. “Does the fool think I’m too squeamish to see the word written out at full length?”) “Partly on his interest being focussed on what he calls ’the soul,’ which he persists in regarding as an entity independent of the physical environment, whereas, as I tried to point out to him .” The Controiler skipped the next sentences and was just about to turn the page in search of something more interestingly concrete, when his eye was caught by a series of quite extraordinary phrases. ”. though I must admit,” he read, “that I agree with the Savage in finding civilized infantility too easy or, as he puts it, not expensive enough; and I would like to take this opportunity of drawing your fordship’s attention to .” Mustapha Mond’s anger gave place almost at once to mirth. The idea of this creature solemnly lecturing him-him-about the social order was really too grotesque. The man must have gone mad. “I ought to give him a lesson,” he said to himself; then threw back his head and laughed aloud. For the moment, at any rate, the lesson would not be given.
It was a small factory of lighting-sets for helicopters, a branch of the Electrical Equipment Corporation. They were met on the roof itself (for that circular letter of recommendation from the Controller was magical in its effects) by the Chief Technician and the Human Element Manager. They walked downstairs into the factory. “Each process,” explained the Human Element Manager, “is carried out, so far as possible, by a single Bokanovsky Group.” And, in effect, eighty-three almost noseless black brachycephalic Deltas were cold-pressing. The fifty-six four-spindle chucking and turning machines were being manipulated by fifty-six aquiline and ginger Gammas. One hundred and seven heat-conditioned Epsilon Senegalese were working in the foundry. Thirty-three Delta females, long-headed, sandy, with narrow pelvises, and all within 20 millimetres of 1 metre 69 centimetres tall, were cutting screws. In the assembling room, the dynamos were being put together by two sets of Gamma-Plus dwarfs. The two low work-tables faced one another; between them crawled the conveyor with its load of separate parts; forty-seven blonde heads were confronted by forty-seven brown ones. Forty-seven snubs by forty-seven hooks; forty-seven receding by forty-seven prognathous chins. The completed mechanisms were inspected by eighteen identical curly auburn girls in Gamma green, packed in crates by thirty- four short-legged, left-handed male Delta-Minuses, and loaded into the waiting trucks and lorries by sixty-three blue-eyed, flaxen and freckled Epsilon Semi-Morons.
“O brave new world .” By some malice of his memory the Savage found himself repeating Miranda’s words. “O brave new world that has such people in it.” “And I assure you,” the Human Element Manager concluded, as they left the factory, “we hardly ever have any trouble with our workers. We always find...” But the Savage had suddenly broken away from his companions and was violently retching, behind a clump of laurels, as though the solid earth had been a helicopter in an air pocket. “The Savage,” wrote Bernard, “refuses to take soma, and seems much distressed because of the woman Linda, his m—, remains permanently on holiday. It is worthy of note that, in spite of his m—’s senility and the extreme repulsiveness of her appearance, the Savage frequently goes to see her and appears to be much attached to her-an interesting example of the way in which early conditioning can be made to modify and even run counter to natural impulses (in this case, the impulse to recoil from an unpleasant object).” At Eton they alighted on the roof of Upper School. On the opposite side of School Yard, the fifty-two stories of Lupton’s Tower gleamed white in the sunshine. College on their left and, on their right, the School Community Singery reared their venerable piles of ferro-concrete and vita-glass. In the centre of the quadrangle stood the quaint old chrome-steel statue of Our Ford. Dr. Gaffney, the Provost, and Miss Keate, the Head Mistress, received them as they stepped out of the plane. “Do you have many twins here?” the Savage asked rather apprehensively, as they set out on their tour of inspection. “Oh, no,” the Provost answered. “Eton is reserved exclusively for upper- caste boys and girls. One egg, one adult. It makes education more difficult of course. But as they’ll be called upon to take responsibilities and deal with unexpected emergencies, it can’t be helped.” He sighed. Bernard, meanwhile, had taken a strong fancy to Miss Keate. “If you’re free any Monday, Wednesday, or Friday evening,” he was saying. Jerking his thumb towards the Savage, “He’s curious, you know,” Bernard added. “Quaint.” Miss Keate smiled (and her smile was really charming, he thought); said Thank you; would be delighted to come to one of his parties. The Provost opened a door. Five minutes in that Alpha Double Plus classroom left John a trifle bewildered. “What is elementary relativity?” he whispered to Bernard. Bernard tried to explain, then thought better of it and suggested that they should go to some other classroom. From behind a door in the corridor leading to the Beta-Minus geography room, a ringing soprano voice called, “One, two, three, four,” and then, with a weary impatience, “As you were.” “Malthusian Drill,” explained the Head Mistress. “Most of our girls are freemartins, of course. I’m a freemartin myself.” She smiled at Bernard. “But we have about eight hundred unsterilized ones who need constant drilling.” In the Beta-Minus geography room John learnt that “a savage reservation is a place which, owing to unfavourable climatic or geological conditions, or poverty of natural resources, has not been worth the expense of civilizing.” A click; the room was darkened; and suddenly, on the screen above the Master’s head, there were the Penitentes of Acoma prostrating themselves before Our Lady, and wailing as John had heard them wail, confessing their sins before Jesus on the Cross, before the eagle image of Pookong. The young Etonians fairly shouted with laughter. Still wailing, the Penitentes rose to their feet, stripped off their upper garments and, with knotted whips, began to beat themselves, blow after blow. Redoubled, the laughted drowned even the amplified record of their groans.“But why do they laugh?” asked the Savage in a pained bewilderment. “Why?” The Provost turned towards him a still broadly grinning face. “Why? But because it’s so extraordinarily funny.” In the cinematographic twilight, Bernard risked a gesture which, in the past, even total darkness would hardly have emboldened him to make. Strong in his new importance, he put his arm around the Head Mistress’s waist. It yielded, willowily. He was just about to snatch a kiss or two and perhaps a gentle pinch, when the shutters clicked open again. “Perhaps we had better go on,” said Miss Keate, and moved towards the door. “And this,” said the Provost a moment later, “is Hypnopædic Control Room.” Hundreds of synthetic music boxes, one for each dormitory, stood ranged in shelves round three sides of the room; pigeon-holed on the fourth were the paper sound-track rolls on which the various hypnopædic lessons were printed. “You slip the roll in here,” explained Bernard, initerrupting Dr. Gaffney, “press down this switch .” “No, that one,” corrected the Provost, annoyed. “That one, then. The roll unwinds. The selenium cells transform the light impulses into sound waves, and .” “And there you are,” Dr. Gaffney concluded. “Do they read Shakespeare?” asked the Savage as they walked, on their way to the Bio-chemical Laboratories, past the School Library. “Certainly not,” said the Head Mistress, blushing. “Our library,” said Dr. Gaffney, “contains only books of reference. If our young people need distraction, they can get it at the feelies. We don’t encourage them to indulge in any solitary amusements.” Five bus-loads of boys and girls, singing or in a silent embracement, rolled past them over the vitrified highway. “Just returned,” explained Dr. Gaffney, while Bernard, whispering, made an appointment with the Head Mistress for that very evening, “from the Slough Crematorium. Death conditioning begins at eighteen months. Every tot spends two mornings a week in a Hospital for the Dying. All the best toys are kept there, and they get chocolate cream on death days. They learn to take dying as a matter of course.” “Like any other physiological process,” put in the Head Mistress professionally. Eight o’clock at the Savoy. It was all arranged.On their way back to London they stopped at the Television Corporation’s factory at Brentford. “Do you mind waiting here a moment while I go and telephone?” asked Bernard. The Savage waited and watched. The Main Day-Shift was just going off duty. Crowds of lower-caste workers were queued up in front of the monorail stationseven or eight hundred Gamma, Delta and Epsilon men and women, with not more than a dozen faces and statures between them. To each of them, with his or her ticket, the booking clerk pushed over a little cardboard pillbox. The long caterpillar of men and women moved slowly forward. “What’s in those” (remembering The Merchant of Venice) “those caskets?” the Savage enquired when Bernard had rejoined him. “The day’s soma ration,” Bernard answered rather indistinctly; for he was masticating a piece of Benito Hoover’s chewing-gum. “They get it after their work’s over. Four half-gramme tablets. Six on Saturdays.” He took John’s arm affectionately and they walked back towards the helicopter. Lenina came singing into the Changing Room. “You seem very pleased with yourself,” said Fanny. “I am pleased,” she answered. Zip! “Bernard rang up half an hour ago.” Zip, zip! She stepped out of her shorts. “He has an unexpected engagement.” Zip! “Asked me if I’d take the Savage to the feelies this evening. I must fly.” She hurried away towards the bathroom. “She’s a lucky girl,” Fanny said to herself as she watched Lenina go. There was no envy in the comment; good-natured Fanny was merely stating a faet. Lenina was lucky; lucky in having shared with Bernard a generous portion of the Savage’s immense celebrity, lucky in reflecting from her insignificant person the moment’s supremely fashionable glory. Had not the Secretary of the Young Women’s Fordian Association asked her to give a lecture about her experiences? Had she not been invited to the Annual Dinner of the Aphroditeum Club? Had she not already appeared in the Feelytone News-visibly, audibly and tactually appeared to countless millions all over the planet? Hardly less flattering had been the attentions paid her by conspicuous individuals. The Resident World Controller’s Second Secretary had asked her to dinner and breakfast. She had spent one week-end with the Ford Chief- Justice, and another with the Arch-Community-Songster of Canterbury. The President of the Internal and External Secretions Corporation was perpetually on the phone, and she had been to Deauville with the Deputy- Governor of the Bank of Europe. “It’s wonderful, of course. And yet in a way,” she had confessed to Fanny, “I feel as though I were getting something on false presences. Because, of course, the first thing they all want to know is what it’s like to make love to a Savage. And I have to say I don’t know.” She shook her head. “Most of the men don’t believe me, of course. But it’s true. I wish it weren’t,” she added sadly and sighed. “He’s terribly good-looking; don’t you think so?” “But doesn’t he like you?” asked Fanny. “Sometimes I think he does and sometimes I think he doesn’t. He always does his best to avoid me; goes out of the room when I come in; won’t touch me; won’t even look at me. But sometimes if I turn round suddenly, I catch him staring; and then-well, you know how men look when they like you.” Yes, Fanny knew. “I can’t make it out,” said Lenina. She couldn’t make it out; and not only was bewildered; was also rather upset. “Because, you see, Fanny, I like him.” Liked him more and more. Well, now there’d be a real chance, she thought, as she scented herself after her bath. Dab, dab, dab-a real chance. Her high spirits overflowed in a song. ”Hug me till you drug me, honey; Kiss me till I’m in a coma; Hug me, honey, snuggly bunny; Love’s as good as soma.”
I personally believe A Brave New World has become an analogue for Society in the Southwest and while not a perfect 1:1 just yet, it will be a perfect 1:1 in a few centuries given the problems above are not reversed. This is where the revolution of the left has brought us. The centralized, genetic, labor and reproductive groups divided into bureaucratic classes are what we see develop in communist societies. This is where we are, and this is where we will be taken.
32 And what shall I more say? for the time would fail me to tell of Gedeon, and of Barak, and of Samson, and of Jephthae; of David also, and Samuel, and of the prophets:
33 Who through faith subdued kingdoms, wrought righteousness, obtained promises, stopped the mouths of lions.
34 Quenched the violence of fire, escaped the edge of the sword, out of weakness were made strong, waxed valiant in fight, turned to flight the armies of the aliens.
35 Women received their dead raised to life again: and others were tortured, not accepting deliverance; that they might obtain a better resurrection:
36 And others had trial of cruel mockings and scourgings, yea, moreover of bonds and imprisonment:
37 They were stoned, they were sawn asunder, were tempted, were slain with the sword: they wandered about in sheepskins and goatskins; being destitute, afflicted, tormented;
38 Of whom the world was not worthy: they wandered in deserts, and in mountains, and in dens and caves of the earth.
39 And these all, having obtained a good report through faith, received not the promise:
40 God having provided some better thing for us, that they without us should not be made perfect.
May Christ be the Cornerstone.
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